Subject: AW: Why
Falantil Guerrillas Are Now Rebels Without a Cause
Asiaweek March 17, 2000
We Won . . . So Now What?
Why Falantil members are now rebels
without a cause
Guerrillas grope for a peacetime role
By ANASTASIA VRACHNOS Ailieu
In the mountains south of Dili, men with
long hair and guns stand in the pre-dawn mist. They introduce themselves
to a visitor with noms de guerre. "Earth-quake. Nice to meet
you." "Hi, I'm Every-where." They wait patiently for their
patrol shift to end. They are used to waiting. They are members of
Falintil, East Timor's rebel army. After 24 years of armed struggle,
Falintil won in the end by waiting. When pro-Jakarta militia rampaged
through East Timor after last-year's United Nations-sponsored vote on
independence, the rebels stayed in the hills as they promised to the
international community, avoiding an all-out civil war. They won the
respect of Interfet multinational peacekeepers for their local
intelligence, and their restraint. Today, Earthquake, Everywhere and 800
or so fellow guerrillas are cantoned in Ailieu, meaning they can carry
arms only within a designated area. And they wait while their leaders and
U.N. officials try to work out if they have anything to wait for.
In what ought to be a time of triumph,
Falintil floats in limbo. All agree that it played a big part in East
Timor's independence, but what is its role now? The group wants to keep
its arms and eventually form the core of a national army. "Interfet
turned over its mandate to PKF [U.N. peacekeeping forces]. Who will PKF
turn the mandate over to?" asks Falintil field commander Taur Matan
Ruak. "One day they will leave, and we must be prepared to keep the
peace." But the U.N. Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET)
maintains that all "irregular" forces must disarm and disband if
the territory is to heal its divisions and build a new civil society.
Also, while no one suggests that Falintil would ever become oppressors,
U.N. officials fret about the many rebels in other countries who turned
into repressive regimes after gaining power. "Falintil was a force
which had a cause, and now that cause has changed," says one
official. "So what you have is an armed force without a cause and
that is a dangerous thing."
For the moment, Falintil is a stabilizing
force in the shell-shocked territory - although it turns rough at times.
UNTAET and other international agencies rely heavily on Falintil's local
knowledge and intelligence channels. While anger toward pro-Jakarta
militia, many of whom fled to Indonesian West Timor, remains wide-spread,
Falintil recently met militia leaders in Singapore for talks on
reconciliation. At the village level, Falintil has helped the
reintegration of returning militia members in the absence of a functioning
judicial system by administering home-brew justice, generally relying on
community service-type sentences but sometimes veering to beatings. As
long as things do not go too far, UNTAET and others have been willing to
turn a blind eye.
But questions over the group's future are
mounting. UNTAET had hoped that some members of Falintil might join the
police force now being set up. But the rebel group forbade its members
from applying. Ruak says Falintil troops are too busy to become policemen
- an assertion belied by the rowdy volleyball and soccer games that mark
afternoons in Ailieu. The group also launched a recruitment and
remobilization campaign recently. Training camps are springing up outside
the cantonment area. Some guerrillas in Ailieu say they expect to be
deployed to towns like Same, Los Palos and Suai in the coming weeks, which
would put Falintil clearly in violation of their cantonment and could lead
to an embarrassing standoff with U.N. peacekeepers. The possibility of
confrontation is at odds with the record of cooperation between the two
sides but Falintil seems determined to go about its business as an
army-in-waiting - and in the process is strengthening its bargaining
position in discussions on its future.
Those discussions are set to intensify. A
meeting of top decision-makers - including UNTAET chief Sergio Vieira de
Mello and independence leader Xanana Gusmao, Falintil's supreme commander
and East Timor's de facto president, and field commander Rauk - is
expected shortly, following several weeks of working-level talks. A senior
U.N. official says several ideas have been floated, such as incorporating
some Falintil members or units within the PKF, although nothing is likely
to be settled quickly. UNTAET realizes that it needs Falintil's local
knowledge and contacts, and that it cannot stop all recruitment and
training. What it wants to avoid is a parallel military structure acting
outside its control. Falintil needs UNTAET's expertise and humanitarian
assistance, as well as its blessing to pursue links with countries like
Australia and Portugal which are offering training and other incentives.
Is Falintil the seed of a future national
army? The question is moot. East Timor may need international peacekeepers
for years, and Falintil's 1,000-plus troops (compared to the PKF's 8,500)
are not about to replace them any time soon. The powers-that-be are
scrambling to provide alternatives. The International Organization for
Migration is working on plans to reintegrate Falintil members into
society. Chris Gascon, the IOM's head of mission, says a program could
offer vocational training or support in starting up micro-enterprises.
"Falintil's return to the community is a great opportunity," he
says. "They are local heroes and in some cases charismatic leaders
who can function as catalysts for community rebuilding." Meanwhile,
Earthquake and his comrades pass their time playing volleyball and
mooching cigarettes from passing cars - rebels waiting for a cause.