| Subject: Age: Like a Phoenix, East Timor
Rises Again
The Age [Melbourne] Tuesday 27 June 2000
Comment and Analysis
Like a phoenix, East Timor rises again
By JAMES DUNN
It is just over six months ago that Sergio Vieira de Mello arrived in
East Timor to set up what is regarded as the United Nation's most
ambitious operation of its kind, a mix of peacekeeping, national
rehabilitation and nation-building.
The UN Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) began its
mission with considerable optimism. InterFET, under the command of
Australia's Major-General Peter Cosgrove, had restored security to
virtually all parts of the territory and had facilitated humanitarian
relief operations. Most Timorese were persuaded to return from their
mountain havens to what was left of their towns and villages.
UNTAET's task went well beyond the restoration of security. It was to
guide East Timor from the ashes of the Indonesian military's
scorched-earth policy into nationhood.
The magnitude of the task was not at first fully appreciated. Not only
were East Timor's towns and villages in ruins - the hasty departure of
thousands of Indonesians, who virtually ran the local government, the
education system, the justice system and the province's commercial life,
left the country devoid of an infrastructure. A hastily assembled group of
officials and experts from more than 50 countries had to start at ground
zero.
Has UNTAET passed the test? Despite some worrying shortcomings I
believe it has. At last, despite sluggish beginnings, the new nation of
East Timor is beginning to take shape. The massive task of material
reconstruction has begun and an ambitious program of political and
administrative reform, which will in effect mean giving the Timorese their
L plates, is about to be launched.
The reconstruction process, however, has a long way to go. Dili's
central business area is still in ruins, its redevelopment being hampered
by, among other things, ownership disputes. Indonesians are starting to
reassert their ownership claims (some of them dubious), which ultimately
need to be considered against reparation claims, the legal basis of which
will be affected by the outcome of legal processes against the generals
charged with responsibility for last year's systematic destruction.
While major reconstruction projects are still few, the general housing
situation has greatly improved, especially in Dili where most dwellings
have at least been temporarily repaired. Most power stations and other
utilities are again in operation.
The position of the East Timorese has also substantially improved,
particularly regarding food supply and health. If anything, the medical
situation is now being more comprehensively monitored than ever, thanks to
the work of non-government humanitarian missions and UN agencies.
The agriculture sector is recovering quickly and, with improved
techniques, production should reach record levels in the next year or so.
A longer than usual wet season has already resulted in better than
expected harvests.
More than 170,000 children are back in primary schools, but there are
still problems with education. The sudden departure of Indonesian teachers
has left the system with a drastic shortage of school staff. The secondary
school system, staffed previously mostly by Indonesian teachers, has been
particularly badly affected. Education problems have been further
complicated by the need to change the syllabus, not to mention the
proposed reintroduction of Portuguese as the national language. The
University of East Timor, which was badly trashed, will not reopen until
later this year, an unfortunate delay for a much-needed institution.
The down side is UNTAET's failure to reduce the massive level of
unemployment in urban areas, which has apparently resulted in social
unrest, increased petty crime and occasional demonstrations outside UN
offices. The contrast between the position of the East Timorese and the
incomes and lifestyles of UN employees and other foreigners is inevitably
a source of discontent and criticism. But, so far, public discontent has
been contained, partly because high levels of unemployment persisted under
Indonesian rule and this time, as "Xanana" Gusmao has assured
his people, their disadvantaged status is only temporary.
The security situation in East Timor is surprisingly calm, although a
series of troubling militia attacks in recent weeks, the last one
30kilometres inside the border, is causing some anxiety. But UNTAET
military commanders seem confident the Indonesian military is now behaving
more responsibly and that the militia can no longer count on its support.
More than 170,000 refugees have returned but, largely because of
continuing militia obstruction, more than 120,000 East Timorese remain in
poorly serviced refugee camps over the border in Indonesian West Timor.
UNTAET is proposing a new political structure, including a number of
ministries in which the top positions will be occupied by East Timorese -
although, to satisfy the terms of the UN Security Council resolution, they
will still be responsible to the UN administrator.
An even more significant move is the proposed expansion of the National
Consultative Council into a form of legislature. Its membership is to
increase from 15 to 33, the new members representing districts, women,
youth and the church. This proposed reform has done much to improve
relations between UNTAET and the East Timorese leaders.
A new confidence is in the air.
James Dunn is a former Australian consul to East Timor and author of
Timor: A People Betrayed. E-mail: opinion@theage.fairfax.com.au
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