| Subject: JP: East Timor at a cross-roads
The Jakarta Post December 15, 2000
Opinion
East Timor at a cross-roads
By Damien Kingsbury
MELBOURNE (JP): East Timor is a place at the cross-roads. It is about
half way between the removal of Indonesian authority and being granted
full independence, administered by a "government" that is half
East Timorese and half United Nations and is half way from almost total
destruction to a functioning reconstruction.
East Timor is also at a cultural cross-roads. It is formally part of
Asia but for the most part feels more like the Pacific, in terms of
origins of its people, culture, flora and fauna.
It is physically connected to Indonesia, yet sits on the Australian
continental shelf. Its more recent external influences indicate its
juncture between having been a Portuguese and later Indonesian colony, and
the contemporary influences of Indonesia and the West, not least through
Australia.
This meeting point is reflected in East Timor's languages, in the use
of its 16 or so local languages, the continuing use of Indonesian, the
re-adoption of Portuguese, at least by some, and, increasingly, the use of
English in cross-cultural communication.
Similarly, although the American dollar is the official currency, the
Indonesian Rupiah and the Australian dollar dominate all but official
transactions.
One very important sense in which East Timor is also at the cross-roads
is the point where expectations face reality. The broad unity that opposed
Indonesian rule and which helped form a culturally disparate people into a
nation is being tested by traditional rivalries and suspicions.
And there is disquiet, and sometimes anger, at what is perceived to be
the failure of the UN to restore to East Timor all of the conditions
enjoyed under Indonesia. There are now fewer health clinics and health
workers than under Indonesia, and there are fewer schools and school
teachers.
Electricity supply is intermittent and telecommunications is almost
exclusively through the mobile network and effectively non-existent
outside Dili.
Yet with the wholesale destruction of the territory, much of which is
still evident from one end of the half island to the other, the physical
infrastructure established under Indonesia is still in the process of
being rebuilt. If electricity supply is still not reliable, it is at least
now widely available and, for the time being, free.
Teachers are being trained, the university has just been re-opened,
health clinics are being re-established and, importantly, trauma
councilors are being trained and included in the health network.
In one sense, some of the trauma councilors reflect a more general
frustration. Most of the population has been traumatized and many continue
to suffer its ill-effects. But trainee councilors are often dismayed to
learn that there is no easy resolution to both recent and longer standing
trauma.
Not even the highly trained professionals of the West, they are
learning, have a magic cure for such complex problems.
In one sense, the public protestations about perceived or real
inadequacies are the most visible sign of positive change. Having the
freedom to freely express dissatisfaction was not a right afforded by the
Indonesian authorities, nor the Portuguese before them.
The transitional "government", the East Timor Transitional
Authority (ETTA), is not democratic, but it is effectively benign. As an
emergency institution that contains half East Timorese representation, it
is in structure a reasonable compromise ahead of elections which, if they
are like the ballot that secured independence, will be free and fair.
In the interim, food security is largely in place, with few areas still
reliant on food aid. Indeed, the markets are notable for their variety of
produce and goods, with local produce and a large range of Indonesian
goods now back in the stalls along with an increasing supply of goods from
Australia.
As the center of the international aid program, Dili has taken on many
of the characteristics of a boom town. Unemployment is still high,
although with the closure and destruction of Indonesian businesses that is
hardly surprising.
Added to this has been the expansion in Dili's Timorese population, by
more than half from its earlier 100,000 or so.
Inflation, too, has soared since the UN arrived, although prices for
local and Indonesian sourced goods have remained much closer to their
original. The main impact of the UN on inflation has been on goods and
services for foreigners. This is just the frantic milking of a short-term
cash cow.
A little over a year ago private vehicles were dominated by non-East
Timorese. Not only do East Timorese own vehicles, imported from Australia
and Singapore, but downtown Dili is now the scene of traffic jams,
especially near the market which is in a constant state of slow crawl.
It is unfortunate that bicycles, which are an appropriate (and
sustainable) form of transport in a town of Dili's still limited size,
enjoy very little status.
It is unfortunate, too, that the increase in vehicle numbers has had no
impact on either driving skills or vehicle maintenance. The UN has
attempted to impose some road rules, at least in Dili, but they are
primarily observed in the breech.
Relatively new vehicles are also increasingly reduced to minimum
functioning status in as short a time as possible. East Timor's new fleet
of cars seems destined to end up like its original blue taxis, in which
windows have no glass, doors have no locks or handles, shells have no
headlights and windscreens no wipers.
Even brakes are considered an occasional luxury rather than an absolute
necessity.
Perhaps East Timor's taxis are its signature. They are chaotic,
relatively slow and fairly cheap. Only the bare minimum works but they are
easy to maintain and, judging by their age and condition, run just about
forever.
A popular expectation is that, with independence, there should be jobs,
and hopefully cars, for everyone. But short of a Timor Gap hydrocarbon
bonanza, East Timor can be expected to slide into a sort of post-colonial
torpor, in which foreign income will be limited, and the pace of life slow
and, in a variety of ways, less than reliable.
It is likely that in East Timor, after its long-awaited independence,
it will then be a case of learning to strike the inevitable compromise
between desire and a less forgiving reality.
Dr Damien Kingsbury, who recently returned from a one month visit to
East Timor, was an accredited observer to the 1999 Popular Consultation in
the former Indonesian province.
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