| Subject: Australia's Diplomatic Disaster in
East Timor
Australian Broadcasting Corporation - Asia-Pacific Report first
broadcast May 28, 2001 -transcript-
Australia's Diplomatic Disaster in East Timor
Like the rest of Indonesia's neighbours, Australia is reduced to
standing on the sidelines watching the current power struggle in Jakarta.
But Canberra carries an extra problem - the strains imposed by
Australia's military leadership in carrying through East Timor's
independence vote in 1999.
Australia's support for Indonesia's hold on East Timor for 25 years,
and then its policy somersault, is the focus of a new analysis by
Professor Rodney Tiffen of Sydney University.
His book -- entitled "Diplomatic Deceits -- Government, Media and
East Timor" -- describes East Timor as Australia's greatest foreign
policy disaster of the last quarter of the 20th century.
Professor Tiffen told Graeme Dobell he's traced the East Timor story by
charting the clash between the Australian Government focus on Indonesia
and the Australian media's reporting on East Timor.
TIFFEN: The Australia media approach most of the time reflected the
Australian political environment, that many journalists accepted the
foreign affairs line that it was necessary to go along with our large and
powerful neighbour over these events. Many other journalists were
responding to the fierce domestic controversies in Australia about East
Timor policy, and every so often you got pieces of journalists showing
greater initiative or reporting from the island itself and reporting
firsthand what was going on there. And those sorts of occasions often
changed the political agenda to at least some degree.
DOBELL: Did it have much influence on the political agenda?
TIFFEN: I think it had some influence, especially in the post-Suharto
era, you know with the fall of President Suharto in May 1998, it meant
that all sorts of long buried issues, all sorts of taboos were suddenly
open for inspection, and one of those was East Timor. And so I think the
ferment on the issue through late 1998 meant it became a live issue again
in Australian politics. And then the reporting of what was actually going
on in East Timor in those long months leading up to the referendum, that
meant that it was very hard for the government to ignore the atrocities
and the actions of the militias, and who was paying the militias and so
forth.
DOBELL: You write that Australia's approach to East Timor over 25 years
was partisan Australian politics at its worst. Why did Australian
political leaders get it wrong?
TIFFEN: There's a slightly different answer on that for each of the
leaders. I mean Gough Whitlam saw Indonesia as absolutely crucial to
Australia and he took a very pre-emptive stance, led the way on saying
well we should just, East Timor should be part of Indonesia full stop. And
he really wasn't interested in process, he wasn't interested in
entertaining any other options, he did this in a very incautious reckless
way that paid no attention to any of the things that could go wrong.
Malcolm Fraser I think didn't quite understand at first all the
ramifications of the issue, and then when he did decide to go along with
Jakarta he did so in a rather clumsy way, just trying to sort of refuse to
comment on issues and so forth.
And then if we leap forward to Paul Keating we get this, you know in
the 1990s just as the rest of the world is wondering when will the Suharto
era finish, we get an Australian Prime Minister who is perhaps the most
ardent admirer of all President Suharto for all of his 30 odd years in
power, and there was just no room for East Timor in Paul Keating's vision.
John Howard and Alexander Downer moved decisively in late '98 early '99
but it's very unclear just how decisive they knew they were being, you
know they set in train this huge series of events but whether they foresaw
at the outset just where it would all lead is a very moot point.
DOBELL: So what is the Timor lesson for Australia in the future?
TIFFEN : Well I think back in 1974-75 Ambassador Woolcott recommended
that we were faced with a choice between principle and pragmatism and that
in the interests of long term relations with Indonesia we should opt for
pragmatism. And what I think it showed is that when you adopt an
unprincipled stand it often also ends up being unpragmatic because people
don't foresee all the costs involved. They didn't foresee what a murderous
occupation Indonesia would ravage on East Timor. They didn't foresee the
degree of domestic protests that would accompany their stance. They didn't
foresee just how long or how powerfully it would become an international
issue that would plague Australian-Indonesian relations for over a
generation. So I suppose the single most important lesson is that the
people that say they are being pragmatic are often being too blinkered,
too myopic about what constitutes pragmatism, and they are sometimes
underestimating the importance of principle in determining what is likely
to be pragmatic in the long run.
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