| Subject: SMH & Age editorials - The
Truth About East Timor
see: Australian Spy Intercepts Confirm Australia's
Bloody East Timor Secret
Also: Age editorial: A silent Witness To East
Timor's Horror
Sydney Mornig Herald March 16, 2002
Editorial
The truth about East Timor
The disclosure in the Herald this week of highly classified Defence
Signals Directorate intercepts gathered during the 1999 East Timor crisis
has, understandably, raised concerns within the Government that vital
"sources and methods" of intelligence may be compromised.
However, equally concerning is the Australian Government's concealment of
evidence pointing to the higher level of responsibility in the Indonesian
military for the serious crimes against humanity in East Timor, previously
blamed on "rogue elements". Such concerns are clearly shared by
members of the defence community, as the unprecedented leaking of
contemporary, "raw" DSD intercepts attests.
While the Indonesian military may respond to the disclosure with
measures to increase its communications security, and making the job of
DSD more difficult, the benefits of disclosing this crucial evidence must
be considered. The intercepts detail the command structure, objective and
the methods of the Indonesian military's proxy campaign to retain
territorial control of a restive East Timor. This unsuccessful campaign,
using local armed militia groups, caused widespread damage, death and
disruption. The legal accounting for these crimes is yet to take place.
The Indonesian trials, which began this week, so far include a limited
number of suspects.
The senior officers among the accused are charged with the lesser
offences of failure to control their subordinates. The DSD intercepts,
however, outline a much more direct and sinister role in orchestrating the
violence by these and other senior military officers, who remain
untouched. Indeed, several of these officers have since been promoted into
important positions. This failure of accountability is not just
Indonesia's, but also that of the international community which has left
Jakarta to try its own. It is still just possible that the provision of
this Australian intelligence material may persuade Indonesian prosecutors
to widen the scope of their trials. It should also refocus the attention
of the United Nations on the possibility of an international war crimes
tribunal should Jakarta fail to punish those who planned and controlled
the operation. It would also be useful to consider the possibility that
Australia's broader political objectives could be advanced with the use of
these intercepts. The exposure of such a high-level conspiracy within the
Indonesian armed forces could assist Indonesia's own efforts to reform the
military and to exclude corrupted officers from senior positions. This may
contribute more to Australia's long-term security than the preservation,
in the short term, of intelligence assets.
The Age March 16 2002
Editorial
A silent witness to East Timor's horror
A witness to any crime has responsibilities that are essential to
maintaining a civilised society. The first responsibility is to the
victim, to offer whatever help is possible. The second is to help bring
the offender to justice. Australia, as a result of its intelligence
gathering, has emerged as a key witness to crimes against humanity.
Material provided to The Age this week confirms that the Australian
Government is uniquely able to provide evidence against those in the
Indonesian military and government who oversaw the violence inflicted on
East Timor before and after its people voted for independence on August30,
1999. That the orders came from high up is clear from the sheer magnitude
of what happened: the terrorising of an entire population and murder of up
to 2000 people; the forced removal of 250,000 to West Timor; the razing of
most infrastructure. All the while, Australian eyes and ears, using
advanced monitoring equipment, watched and listened. They heard Indonesian
generals direct and conspire with militia leaders. They saw
high-resolution images, capable of identifying individuals. Everything was
systematically recorded: identities, chains of command, dates and times.
The guilty parties went to great lengths to cover their tracks in East
Timor, but they could not destroy the secret evidence that the Defence
Signals Directorate now holds in Canberra.
More than two years later, however, Australia remains a silent witness.
The government has shared little of what it knows with any court (two are
sitting, one in Indonesia and one in East Timor). This week a special
court in Jakarta began trying 18 suspects, but the big fish - many of whom
still occupy positions of power - appear to have slipped through the net.
Tellingly, Indonesia has repudiated a 2000 agreement to honour United
Nations extradition requests. Australia co-sponsored the 1999 resolution
that set up the UN investigations that could yet lead to a UN war crimes
tribunal. In the same year, Foreign Minister Alexander Downer said
Australia would "obviously assist with the UN inquiry" and would
take into account precedents such as in Rwanda and the Balkans. Last July,
he welcomed the prosecution of former Yugoslav president Slobodan
Milosevic. A crucial factor in that case was that the US and Britain
supplied intelligence material.
Australia has a moral obligation to follow suit. Doing so would not
only help bring crimes to court, but would deliver a warning to regimes
that even now are committing or contemplating atrocities: they will be
called to account. Canberra may have concerns about compromising its
intelligence gathering and its ties with Jakarta, but a crime against
humanity, by definition, is a crime against us all, which transcends
issues of politics or sovereignty. When justice was compromised in the
past, from Nazi Germany through to Cambodia, the decisions came back to
haunt us. Indeed, the release of the DSD documents reflects disquiet
within the defence community about this nation's present culpability.
Ironically, Australia and Indonesia recently agreed to share intelligence
to combat terrorism. In the defence of civilisation, how Australia
responds to crimes against humanity is no less significant.
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