| Subject: CT/James Dunn: Lack of support
helped in cover-up of Indonesian atrocities
Canberra Times (Australia) Monday, July 23, 2007
Lack of support helped in cover-up of Indonesian atrocities
By James Dunn
JILL Jolliffe's report detailing Jakarta Governor Sutiyoso's
involvement in the torture of prisoners in East Timor (Canberra Times,
Saturday, July 14) raises questions that go well beyond the NSW coronial
search for those responsible for the Balibo murders.
It involves another troubling cover-up of Australia's support for
Indonesian moves to conceal the crimes against humanity committed during
those 24 years of occupation of East Timor. Australia and the United
States quite shamefully failed to support UN recommendations that an
international tribunal be set up to identify the military commanders
responsible for very serious crimes against humanity, and the brutal
culture that had developed in the Indonesian military, the TNI.
The Indonesian withdrawal in 1999 offered a unique opportunity to
expose that culture and the commanders, but we were soon to learn that the
humanitarian concerns of key international players like Australia, were
secondary to their determination to prevent anything that would
destabilise the new Indonesian regime, in which an unreformed military
continued to be a main player.
Interfet forces, to the frustration of officers like Lieutenant-Colonel
Lance Collins, were actually discouraged from collecting evidence of war
crimes. Moreover, when I was preparing a report for the UN on the crimes
committed in 1999, I got generous support from the Irish, Canadians and
New Zealanders, but none from our diplomatic mission.
What I did get was encouragement from Indonesian human rights officials
who declared that the full public exposure of their military's misdeeds
was essential if their democratic goals were ever to be attained. One such
supporter was Munir, a courageous human rights activist who was later to
be murdered, allegedly on orders from Indonesia's main intelligence agency
which then frustrated attempts to identify those responsible.
In the end in my view, there was a subtle cover-up. Our efforts to
secure UN Security Council support for a formal investigation came to
nothing, despite the helpful efforts of Sergio Vieira de Mello and Kofi
Annan. The US, Australia and other influential players had other ideas.
They were against any exposure that might destabilise the restless
Indonesian political scene.
In East Timor itself, the position of president Xanana Gusmao was very
unhelpful. He exhorted his people to forgive the past and look to the
future, denying them a measure of closure. For most, this dismissal of
justice merely served to intensify the trauma that inhibits the confidence
and trust of a people, whose terrible past ordeals appear to matter
nothing to the outside world.
The joint truth and reconciliation commission Indonesia agreed to has
turned out to be little more than a sideshow in which the Indonesian
generals who have agreed to appear, have blamed the UN or the Timorese,
disclaiming any responsibility for their part in the events of 1999. For
those of us who have examined or lived through the events of the past, the
real situation is very different. Tens of thousands of East Timorese were
killed or tortured, especially in the first five years of occupation, as
part of a deliberate policy. From the outset, officers like then Captain
Yunus Yosfiah and his Special Forces colleague, Captain Sutiyoso, treated
those who dared to resist or question appallingly, using torture and
summary executions.
Timor became a cruel military training ground, with most of today's TNI
general staff, including President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono himself,
having served there.
A number of these generals have been indicted by UN prosecutors for
crimes against humanity, and it is shocking to learn these indictments
have in no way hampered their careers. We know about Yunus Yosfiah and
Sutiyoso, but there is Major-General Tono Suratnam, now a senior
headquarters general, who (then a colonel) bears a responsibility for
atrocities in the Dili area.
Major-General Mahadin Simbolon, then a brigadier-general, played a
commanding role in the destruction of East Timor in September 1999, and
went on to command TNI forces in West Papua.
As for then Kopassus Major Prabowo Subianto, he bears a heavy
responsibility for the Creras massacre in 1982, in which more than one
thousand Timorese non- combatants were gunned down as a reprisal action.
Then there is Lieutenant-General Sjafrei Sjamsuddin, one of the planners
of the militia and its agenda of violence, who is currently
secretary-general of Indonesia's Defence Department.
Not all of these officers are escaping human rights scrutiny.
Indonesian human rights agencies are calling for the removal of a
sector commander in West Papua, Colonel Burhanuddin Siagian, who has been
indicted for a particularly nasty atrocity in the Maliana region in 1999.
However, the fact that the TNI has ignored such indictments, and the
recommendation of Indonesia's own human rights commission, is an
indication of how little impact its nation's shift towards respect for
human rights has had on a military which, like the KGB, saw itself as a
ruthless protector of an authoritarian state.
It would be unfair to blame Air Chief Marshal Angus Houston, an officer
noted for his humane approach, for his intervention, for he clearly is not
familiar with a background which, even in the Defence Department, is
apparently being kept in the dark. As has been revealed in Balibo coronial
inquiry, it is likely past atrocities by Indonesian troops in East Timor
were made known by intelligence agencies to the governments of the time.
James Dunn is a former diplomat who served as UN expert on crimes
against humanity in East Timor in 2001-02.
------------------------------------------ Joyo Indonesia News Service
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