| Subject: Bulletin on line 2 articles:
Longing for Indonesia etc
via Rob Wesley-Smith bulletin.ninemsn.com.au/article.aspx?id=255607
& Opinions
Longing for Indonesia in Timor Tuesday, March 20, 2007
Against the backdrop of eight years of uncertainty and violence, some
East Timorese are wondering whether life under Indonesian rule was really
that bad, reports Paul Toohey.
Most young-to-middle-aged East Timorese don't just speak Indonesian.
They think Indonesian. That's because for a long time there they were
Indonesian. Given what has happened since 1999, the mess that is East
Timor - a mess that is only getting worse - it's time to think dark
thoughts and wonder if the people would have been better off never being
liberated at all.
This might seem outrageous to outsiders who imagine nothing could be
worse than being under the Indonesian jackboot. But it is something East
Timorese wonder all the time.
Go to an East Timorese home on sunset. They're not watching ABC's
into-Asia service. Nor are they watching Portuguese television - even
though their leaders would prefer they did. In an absurdly bloody-minded
decision, those who had exiled themselves during the Indonesian occupation
and went to live in Portuguese-speaking places like Mozambique, Angola and
Portugal, came home after 1999, took power and imposed Portuguese as the
official language.
But everyone's still speaking Indonesian - and they're watching
Indonesian TV. They pool their resources, buy $200 satellite dishes, hang
leads off in every direction, and then small communities can make sure
they never miss "Bawang Merah Bawang Putih", which roughly
translates as "onion garlic". It's one of Indonesia's most
popular soap operas and is a modern working over of an old Malay fable
about a good sister and her evil twin.
It's strange how the life of two spunky Jakarta girls could mean so
much to the East Timorese. But look what's happened since 1999, and even
in recent weeks, as trouble simmers and sometimes explodes in Dili. Dozens
of East Timorese have been arrested crossing the border into
Indonesian-run West Timor. Why did they go to Indonesia? For safety.
When Dili-based people - expats or wealthier Timorese - need a break,
or to do some shopping, they don't fly to Darwin. They go to Kupang, or
Jakarta. The East Timorese feel perfectly at ease with Indonesians.
Some commentators have said that after the Australian-led Interfet
liberation of 1999, Indonesian politicians are laughing hard at Australia
for taking on such a basket case. Whether they are really rolling in the
aisles slapping their thighs is doubtful. But Indonesia must be glad to
have washed their hands of the joint, and are certainly watching
unsurprised as Australia digs itself into a hole in Timor.
China, which has no troop commitment in East Timor, has plans to build
the Timorese a great presidential palace in Dili central; the Portuguese
have almost completed a spectacular presidential residence in the hills
above Dili. While they scavenge for hearts and minds, and snuggle up close
to the leaders of the tiny oil-rich country, Australia is left paying the
security bills.
After 1999, it was common to hear East Timorese express a sentiment
along these lines: "Even though we are poorer now, at least we don't
live in fear of Indonesia." That's out the window. Now they live in
fear of themselves.
Indonesia built the East Timorese road system (which has since fallen
into chronic disrepair after 1999). East Timorese - as Indonesians -
received free tertiary education and a stipend to live outside Timor and
attend university. Deposed Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri once referred to
the degree East Timorese got in Jakarta as "Super Mie degrees",
in a disparaging reference to the instant noodle brand.
Maybe so, but East Timorese still want to - and those lucky enough do -
attend universities in Indonesia. This might mean that upon return to East
Timor, waving their Super Mie degree, they are denied jobs in the civil
service, because they don't speak the required Portuguese. But the
affection, the contact, the very nature of the people remains inextricably
tied to Indonesia.
As their country stagnates and indolent youths turn on each other, East
Timorese are now wondering whether they would have been better off going
for autonomy, Aceh-style, rather than for the full independence they
overwhelmingly voted for at the 1999 referendum. But at that time they
were fully entitled to believe in the possibilities of independence. They
were caught up in the idea of freedom, and freedom-loving peoples around
the world cheered for them. It seemed such a great thing. Eight years on,
freedom has given them nothing but trouble.
Sansao Gomes, 24, a law student whose studies have been put on hold by
the inertia wracking his country, is typical of many East Timorese in that
he had to flee to the hills during the Indonesian-backed militia rampages
of 1999. You think he'd just hate Indonesians; but remember, those deadly
militias he ran from were East Timorese people. Last year, his house was
ransacked - not by Indonesians, but by East Timorese who were once his
neighbours.
"Under Indonesian rule, most in civilian society had a free
life," says Gomes. "We did not hate civilians from Indonesia,
like Javanese and Balinese. At that time we only fought for independence
because many people thought that when we have independence everything will
be better for people's life. And at that time we only hate the
[Indonesian] army invasions and those who made our Timorese brothers to
become militias and fight against one another.
"Thousands of Timorese were educated under Indonesian education
systems which was better than the only hundreds of Timorese who were
educated under Portuguese rule [pre-1975]."
Gomes doesn't say life was all good under Indonesia. "The actions
of the Indonesian military intimidated many Timorese who expressed their
aim to have self-determination; the military formed many Timorese to
become militia by giving them money and properties. And in government
administration, in Indonesian times, there was much corruption.
"But on my experience and knowledge, it is not only young people
who express that life was better under Indonesia but also many old people.
The reason is that when we fought for independence we wished our country
would have better life for its people, but the fact is it is not happened
all.
"Many political interests have intervened and caused us hate one
another. We understand our country is new country so many things go wrong,
but to make everything run we have to have one objective - like when we
fought for independence.
"Most of our political leaders are fools, because they run the
country in the wrong way. We love our independence as a country, and we
cannot go back to Indonesia. All we have to do is remind our people to
think the same in one way."
Indonesia wouldn't have East Timor back even if it came begging. But as
the price of electricity skyrockets in Dili, as mobile phones (there is no
landline system) become too costly to use, as fuel hits $US1 per litre,
and people remember how schooling was so cheap under the Indonesians, and
how every village had a clinic, the 24 years of sometimes brutal
Indonesian rule is being reassessed against this backdrop: was my country
stable? Were my children educated? Did I have enough food? Did I see hope?
The answer to these questions is yes.
Comment by poster: In last para the answer was not YES, but 'some', and
200,000 deaths and continuing oppression and increasing resistance does
not suggest a stable country. The Indon occupation inculcated a resistance
experience and mentality which must change to a progressive outlook for
the future, the leaders must be smarter and more inclusive, the people
grow their own food again and modernise their own health environment, stop
excessive population increase, look after the countryside, make the
justice system work by innovation, and yes modify the Portuguese language
policy. How many East Timorese had other than low level public service
jobs anyway? The Australian government took at least 5x the revenue from
East Timor than it gave in the first 6 years when an economic dividend was
needed for independence to have a chance. The Howard/Downer government
prohibits payments to ngos that in any way criticise it - so much for
developing independent thought and initiative! Last, the Australian media
lost all interest in east Timor until things went horribly wrong again in
May 2006. Its a bit rich to come back and criticise everything when you
refuse to be part of the solution. How much East Timor media does Fairfax
or Murdoch support? How much did they support East Timor say 1977-98?
+++++++++++++
bulletin.ninemsn.com.au/article.aspx?id=255652
Living memory: From Dili with damnation Tuesday, March 20, 2007
25 years ago: Seven years after the bloody Indonesian invasion, Gough
Whitlam visited East Timor and declared it in safe hands.
By Hall Greenland.
Great men are anxious, even precious, about posterity and none more so
than Australia's most controversial post-war prime minister Gough Whitlam
- and especially on the issue of his role in Indonesia's 1975 invasion and
long occupation of East Timor. In 1982, he broke his silence on the
occupation in a special report for The Bulletin after spending four days
on the troubled island. He'd gone in response to what he said were reports
of famine circulated by Bishop Martinho da Costa Lopes, the Catholic
apostolic administrator in Dili, the capital of East Timor.
Whitlam reported that there was no famine, no longer any security
problem and that social development was proceeding as never before.
Implying that the bishop had been a fascist collaborator in the past,
Whitlam attributed the bishop's false report to his hankering after
colonial times. "He and half his clergy resent and lament the
departure of the Portuguese." Whitlam fired broadsides at
"stringers in Lisbon, pamphleteers in London, propagandists in
Australia", the ex-Portuguese colonies in the UN and, for good
measure, the peak aid body in Australia, for their lack of realism and
sympathy for the Indonesian takeover.
His apologia provoked "a hornet's nest", and the magazine
printed the rebuttals of Shirley Shackleton, the widow of one of the five
Australian journalists murdered by Indonesian forces during the invasion,
and Labor MP Eric Fry. Shackleton accused Whitlam of "dismissing
without murmur the hundreds of thousands of East Timorese who have died
horribly. Having made a terrible mistake Gough Whitlam appears to be busy,
busy, busy seeking to cover it up". Fry accused him of exaggerating
the bishop's famine warning, of making a superficial inspection and
suffering from "self-delusion".
In reply, Whitlam rounded on Fry for his support for Fretilin, which
convincingly won East Timor's first free election in 2002. Whitlam said
Fretilin had "long ago lost all significant support in East
Timor". Beyond a demand that she name her sources, he stayed silent
on Shackleton's more serious criticism.
Note: It was Ken Fry not Eric Fry, Ken was alp member for 'Fraser', the
Canberra area and to the south coast, where he now lives in retirement,
being the late 70's foremost elected member supporter of East Timor, and
having increased his majority in each election despite Whitlam's
ill-founded abuse. Whitlam should disclose his papers now on all things
East Timor including Balibo business, and not wait in Coward's Castle
until his death.
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