Subject: Xanana's Address on "Autonomy: An
International Commitment or Merely an Internal Option"
Date: Fri, 02 Apr 1999 08:01:33 -0500
From: "John M. Miller" <fbp@igc.apc.org>Xanana Gusmão CNRT Timor-Leste
SEMINAR ON "SOCIALISATION" OF THE AUTONOMY QUESTION Organised by: Solidamor
Hotel Sari Pan Pacific, Jakarta 31 March 1999
"Autonomy: An International Commitment or Merely an Internal Option"
1.
I believe that everyone present here today has a general understanding of the draft
autonomy plan offered by Indonesia. According to that draft plan, a number of areas of
government would remain under the control of Indonesia's central government, i.e. Foreign
Affairs, Security, Finance, Currency and Taxation and the Judiciary.
Apart from the above areas, full responsibility would be handed over to the East
Timorese, including the possibility of a Timorese national flag and anthem being created,
a proposal put forward by Dr Abilio Araujo and of which he is extremely proud.
Autonomy status would not concede to the East Timorese full rights to exploitation of
our natural resources which is considered too strategic an area to be released from
central government control. Autonomy status would also not permit the East Timorese to
request direct loans from abroad other than for small-scale projects.
Moreover, under autonomy, East Timor would continue to be obliged to pay tax to the
central government and the people would have no right to reject the presence of ABRI and
its dual-function, from the level of regional military command (Danrem) to the law
enforcement officers at village level. As is the case in Indonesia, the socio-political
mission of the Armed Forces would permit ABRI to "enter the villages" in East
Timor.
2.
In theory, under autonomy native East Timorese would be given priority in terms of
employment opportunity. East Timor's budget would be granted from the Centre to be
independently administered by the East Timorese as a privilege of
"broad-ranging" autonomy status.
In legal questions, cases which cannot be settled within East Timor itself would
continue to be referred to the courts at the central level.
The East Timorese are expected to feel satisfied with the fact that the most important
government posts such as the governor, vice-governor, chairman and members of parliament,
head of government departments, civil servants, business leaders and police would be
filled by native East Timorese. East Timorese would continue to hold an Indonesian
identity card, would have limited control over their natural resources, would be dependent
on an annual budget granted from the central government, be permitted to speak Tetum, to
honour the flag of autonomy, but continue to be obliged to honour the Red and White flag
and read the text of the Pancasila and the Indonesian Constitution on the 17th of every
month.
The lawyers, graduates, doctors, engineers, teachers, drivers, traders and
transmigrants would all be replaced with native East Timorese. The National Development
Planning Board would be replaced with the Regional Development Planning Board. All of this
is what is understood by broad-ranging autonomy.
3.
Now, everyone is anxiously awaiting the outcome of the next round of tripartite talks
in New York scheduled for the end of April. Perhaps the draft autonomy plan which is
currently being revised by a team consisting of ministers of the reform cabinet will
broaden further the scope of this broad-ranging autonomy.
Hopefully this will be the case so that the Timorese people may be convinced that there
is something which sets this "special" autonomy apart from the normal autonomy
offered to some provinces of Indonesia, in order that it might enjoy the support of even
the pro-Independence side.
The problem is that the revision of the autonomy proposal now leaves too short a time
frame for the "socialisation" of the package. We are fully in agreement with the
need for transparency in the information campaign on wide-ranging autonomy in order to
ensure that what is implied by the term is well understood by both the Indonesian and
Timorese people.
Those of us who have fought for complete independence are not at all interested in
autonomy in the form it has been presented to us. However, we do approve of a consultation
process whereby each citizen is granted the right to cast their vote as this concords with
the principal of a referendum which we have always defended.
Thus, it is of vital importance that the people of East Timor understand what is meant
by autonomy status. We strongly hope that open and democratic debate amongst political
leaders and intellectuals on autonomy will be encouraged, with pro-integration factions
promoting the benefits of autonomy over independence and with the pro-independence side
pushing the opposite argument.
We realise that for the pro-integrationists the benefits of autonomy amount to removal
of a potential threat of a second invasion from Indonesia in the event of independence
being achieved. By the same token, the disadvantage of independence is that ABRI may
refuse to recognise it, a hint of this likely eventuality being the specter of a civil war
which ABRI is carefully engineering through its arming of civilian militias (it is
currently organising a 2,000 strong armed militia front to defend integration).
It is interesting to note that from the time of the military annexation of our homeland
in 1975 until September last year, the pro-integrationists never felt threatened by the
civilian population. Dozens of ABRI batallions, backed up by thousands of intelligence
operatives, the ABRI dual-function apparatus from the regional military command right down
to the village-level law enforcement officers in addition to the "ABRI enters the
village" program have represented an irrefutable guarantee of security.
However, since October last year, out of the blue the pro-integrationists have begun to
feel such a serious threat to their physical security that they have required ABRI to
directly supply their civilian militias with arms in order to intimidate and murder the
people.
The message we are receiving loud and clear from the Indonesian government is: it is
best to opt for autonomy in order to avoid blood-shed!
This message seems to indicate that the Indonesian government has forgotten that over
the 23 year period of Indonesia's military annexation, over 250,000 East Timorese have
lost their lives. And ABRI's argument that it cannot give East Timor up because too many
lives have been lost in defending integration is weak and misleading as it was not the
East Timorese people who requested that Indonesia invade our country so brutally.
Foreign Minister Ali Alatas stated in a seminar on 22 March that "Indonesia's
position on East Timor has never been accepted by the international community or the
United Nations" On the same occasion, the Foreign Minister explained that the process
of consultation will be conducted according to international norms and as democratically
as possible.
Therefore, we are surprised with ABRI's response which is one of preparing people to go
to war, precisely at a time when we are appealing for reconciliation and peace.
The people of East Timor face a tremendous challenge. The above is concrete proof that
whilst, on the one hand, Foreign Minister Alatas desires that a democratic consultation
process take place in East Timor, on the other General Wiranto demonstrates his
indifference to the blood spilt over 23 years and which has besmirched the reputation of
Indonesia's armed forces in the eyes of the Timorese and Indonesian peoples, and in the
eyes of the international community.
Broad-ranging autonomy acquires the following meaning:
- East Timor remains integrated or - The people of East Timor face the prospect of even
greater blood-shed!
Is it threats of this kind which are expected to ameliorate Indonesia's reputation in
the eyes of the world? Is it threats of this kind which form the basis of Indonesia's
commitment to the international community to resolve the East Timor problem?
The answer lies with General Wiranto.
Salemba, 31 March 1999
Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão
Commander of Falintil
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