Subject: USGOV: Roth testimony on Indonesia
(ET excerpts)
Date: Sat, 20 Mar 1999 09:23:18 -0500
From: "John M. Miller" <fbp@igc.apc.org>[ET excerpts only]
*EPF404 03/18/99 TEXT: ROTH MAR. 18 TESTIMONY ON INDONESIA (Roth: Elections critical
for Indonesia) (3260)
... Negotiations on East Timor also garnered positive comment from Roth, who cited
Indonesian President Habibie's announcement that he will recommend independence for the
territory if the East Timorese reject Indonesia's offer of wide-ranging autonomy.
Following is the text of Roth's remarks, as prepared for delivery:
TESTIMONY OF STANLEY O. ROTH ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC
AFFAIRS SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS SUBCOMMITTEE ON EAST ASIA AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS
"INDONESIA -- COUNTDOWN TO ELECTIONS" March 18, 1999
... ABRI, Indonesia's military, one of the pillars of the Suharto regime, is also
changing. The Indonesian people have made it clear that military dominance of the state is
no longer acceptable. The number of ABRI representatives in Parliament has been halved.
Many opposition parties have placed a diminution of the military's socio-political role
high on their agendas.
The armed forces leadership appears to be getting the message. Under the leadership of
General Wiranto, ABRI has committed to a number of key structural reforms aimed at
reducing the military's political role in the state, including withdrawing support from
the ruling party and pledging neutrality in the upcoming elections; scheduling the
separation of the police from the military; requiring ABRI personnel who accept jobs as
civilian administrators to resign from active service; and eliminating the position of
Chief of Staff for Social and Political Affairs -- the very embodiment of the military's
political role.
Negotiations on East Timor's future have seen dramatic progress in recent months since
President Habibie's announcement that he will recommend independence for the troubled
territory if the East Timorese reject Indonesia's offer of wide-ranging autonomy. Just
last week, Indonesia agreed to a direct ballot "democratic consultation"
mechanism by which the East Timorese will be able to consider the Indonesian autonomy
offer. As things stand now, the UN, Portugal, and Indonesia plan to finalize the autonomy
proposal by late April and then put the package to the East Timorese for a direct vote no
later than July.
...
East Timor has not been spared this violence. In fact, a cycle of violence may be
intensifying in East Timor between pro-independence and pro-integration factions. There
are persistent, credible reports that elements of the Indonesian military are arming
pro-integration civilian groups, and we have repeatedly made it clear to the Indonesians
that such actions must be stopped.
... East Timor --
The situation in East Timor is unique in Indonesia. East Timor did not share the
experience of Dutch colonialism and was forcefully incorporated into Indonesia just 23
years ago. Many in the erstwhile Portuguese colony, primarily Christian and ethnically
Melanesian, have resisted Indonesia's incursion ever since. The associated, often-times
brutal, military repression has not engendered support or sympathy for Jakarta in this
province.
In an unprecedented and unexpected announcement on January 27, the Indonesian
government stated that, if the East Timorese rejected Indonesia's autonomy offer, it would
recommend to the incoming People's Consultative Assembly -- the MPR -- to consider
"letting go of East Timor" on January 1, 2000. This announcement constituted a
dramatic reversal of long-standing policy, a reversal for which the Habibie government
deserves credit.
A window of opportunity exists in East Timor from now until the July autonomy
"consultation" to establish some of the fundamental components of democracy. How
to register voters, where and how to establish polling stations, what kind of voter
education to provide and by what means, are only a sample of the many practical issues
that will have to be resolved in the near future. The U.S. intends to be actively involved
with this process. Furthermore, we believe that the systems established will provide a
foundation for East Timor's democracy no matter what the outcome of this particular vote.
However, no electoral system will be successful in the atmosphere of increasing tension
in East Timor. The Indonesian government must, therefore, put high priority on restoring a
sense of calm and stability on the island. Disarming civilian factions and embracing
proposals such as a broad-based council to promote peace and reconciliation are necessary
steps. Confidence building measures such as troop reductions and an increased
international presence in East Timor would also be very useful.
No one can predict the outcome of the East Timorese vote on autonomy. Clearly, however,
the possibility exists that East Timor could choose to turn down Indonesia's autonomy
proposal thereby raising the real possibility of independence. If this is the electoral
outcome, Indonesia must realize that an immediate withdrawal of Indonesian support from
East Timor will greatly increase the risk of civil war and long-term inviability for East
Timor. This would reflect badly on Indonesia's international image and call into question
its regional leadership abilities. Consequently, should East Timor opt for independence,
Indonesia should commit to fair and supportive transitional arrangements.
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