West Papua Report
December 2010
This is the 80th in a series of monthly reports
that focus on developments affecting Papuans. This series is produced by the
non-profit West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO
assessments, and analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. This
report is co-published with the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN).
Back issues are posted online at
http://etan.org/issues/wpapua/default.htm Questions regarding this report
can be addressed to Edmund McWilliams at
edmcw@msn.com. If you wish to receive the report via
e-mail, send a note to
etan@etan.org.
Summary:
During his November 9-10 visit to
Indonesia, President Obama and President Yudhoyono unveiled a "comprehensive
partnership" that strongly reflects Washington's traditional perception of
Indonesia as a platform servicing U.S. security and commercial interests. A key
element of the "partnership," broadened security ties, comes at the expense of
human rights and democratization which are under growing threat from corrupt and
unaccountable Indonesian security forces. Secret Kopassus documents released by
investigative journalist Alan Nairn reveal that the targeting of senior members
of Papuan civil society is official policy, approved at senior levels. Papuans
used the occasion of President Obama's visit to protest the denial of self
determination and the continuing devastation of local resources by the U.S.
mining giant Freeport McMoran. Journalists have complained loudly over
Indonesian government subterfuge regarding the trial purportedly of security
personnel involved in the torture of Papuans. On December 1, Papuans and their supporters in West Papua and in cities around the world celebrated the day in 1961 when the Papuans declared their independence from Dutch colonial rule. A
late November visit to West Papua by President Yudhoyono and many members of his
cabinet failed to address long-standing Papuan concerns. A statement by an
Indonesian military leader indicates military intent to deepen already
substantial military involvement in commercial activities in West Papua.
Contents:
Security and Commercial Interests Drive Obama
Administration Policy in Indonesia
President Obama's brief November 9-10 visit to Indonesia revealed a Washington
policy firmly rooted in previous administrations' narrow perspectives. The
"comprehensive partnership,"
formally announced during the visit as the
centerpiece of U.S.-Indonesian relations, is reminiscent of decades-old U.S. policy towards Indonesia. The "partnership”
affirms the intent to broaden educational exchanges and offers lip-service to
purportedly shared global goals related to the environment and democratization.
However, at its core, the accord betrays the same lack of vision that
characterized U.S. relations with the Suharto dictatorship and its successors:
e.g., Indonesia's importance to the United States is as regional leader capable
of counter-balancing China, as a market for U.S. goods and (especially)
services, and as a source of raw materials and cheap labor.
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President Obama offers a toast during State Dinner with
President Yudhoyono' at the Istana Negara State Palace Complex in
Jakarta, Nov. 9, 2010. (Official White House Photo by Pete Souza) |
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Missing is any U.S. recognition of the growing challenges to democratization and
stability that beset Indonesia. Indonesian democracy is increasingly hostage to
an ambitious, corrupt and unaccountable military and police, as set forth in a
WPAT letter to President Obama. Nowhere is
this security force brutality and rogue behavior more in evidence than in West
Papua where video footage of security force
murder, torture and beatings of Papuans in recent months has slipped through
a cordon of silence enforced by the security forces to hide systematic brutality
there. The extent of this brutality was revealed during the Obama visit by
investigative journalist Alan Nairn who released secret Kopassus documents that
make clear that intimidation and brutalization of Papuans smeared by Jakarta as
"separatists" is official policy. The documents lay bare the deliberate
falsehood perpetrated by the Government of Indonesia (and gullibly accepted by
foreign governments) that egregious security force human rights abuse in West
Papua are anomalies perpetrated by individual personnel acting outside their
orders. In fact, such abuses are revealed as systematic and doctrinal. The
documents also firmly establish chain of command responsibility for these abuses
extending to the most senior levels of the Indonesian military.
The "comprehensive partnership" contains, as a fundamental element, a
strengthened and expanded bilateral security force relationship initially
announced by U.S. Secretary of Defense Gates during a July 2010 visit to
Jakarta. That expanded relationship remarkably includes
collaboration with Indonesian Special Forces
(Kopassus),
which had been denied U.S. assistance since its infamous role in the 1998 riots
in Jakarta and other major Indonesian cities. Kopassus's continuing abuses and
unaccountability as documented in a
June 2009
Human Rights Watch report, has demonstrated that unit's unwillingness to
reform.
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Missing is any U.S. recognition of the growing challenges
to democratization and stability that beset Indonesia. Indonesian democracy
is increasingly hostage to an ambitious, corrupt and unaccountable military
and police.
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Inclusion of security sector cooperation, including with Kopassus, as a key
element of the "partnership" ignores what had long been bicameral and
bipartisan
U.S. Congressional objection to restoration of ties with Kopassus. Restoration of ties with
Indonesia’s special forces, as well as continued U.S. support for "Detachment
88," the purported anti-terror unit, credibly
and repeatedly accused of human rights violations, provides Kopassus and all
Indonesian security forces an imprimatur of U.S. approval that removes critical
pressure for reform. The decision to move forward broadly with U.S. military
assistance also communicates a disheartening message to Indonesian reform
advocates who have pressed for such reform in the face of security force
intimidation up to and including murder.
See also
Statement of East Timor and Indonesia Action Network on President Obama's Visit to Indonesia
Release of Secret Indonesian Military Documents Proves
Human Rights Abuse Indonesian Government Policy
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| Allan Nairn |
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The November 9 release of a 25-page secret report by a Kopassus task force in Kotaraja, Papua, conclusively demonstrates that human rights violations in West
Papua is Indonesian government policy.
The document, released by investigative
journalist Alan Nairn,
identify individual senior members of Papuan civil society and clergy as targets
for intimidation and abuse. The task force alleges without evidence that they
harbor "separatist" goals. While senior Indonesian government military and
civilian officials have long groundlessly alleged separatist sympathies among
Papua's civil society, the document are unique as they name the targets for
attack and explicitly ordain extralegal measures by security forces to be
employed against them. The report indicates that such actions are supported at
the highest levels of the Indonesian military.
Moreover, calls for action to impede and prevent Papuans from peacefully exercising
fundamental freedoms including the right of association and of free speech
constitute clear violations of Indonesia's obligations under the
International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the
International Covenant on
Economic, Cultural and Social Rights, both acceded to by Indonesia in
February 2006. They also violate Indonesian law
affirming these rights.
Responding to the leak, Indonesia’s armed forces commander
confirmed to the Jakarta Globe that his troops conduct
intelligence gathering
operations in Papua. According to the newspaper, Adm. Agus Suhartono “rejected the
idea that gathering intelligence among civilians was wrong, saying all
intelligence operations in Papua served to detect and prevent separatist
threats.” He “added the operations were always carried out by officers sent over
from the military’s central command, including from Kopassus and other elite
units.”
See also
Democracy Now!: As
Obama Arrives in Jakarta, Secret Docs Show U.S.-backed Indonesian Special Forces
Unit Targets Papuan Churches, Civilians
Papuans Risk Arrest and Mistreatment in Appeal to
President Obama during His Visit to Jakarta
Hoping to draw the attention of President Obama and the international media that
accompanied his entourage to Jakarta, Papuans in various cities demonstrated
peacefully. An unknown number of demonstrators in Jayapura were detained despite
the peaceful nature of their November 6 march. In Jakarta, a WPAT team member
monitored a two hour peaceful march of over 100 Papuans to the gates of
U.S.-based gold and copper mine Freeport McMoran. The protesters carried banners
critical of the U.S. and Indonesian governments for denying Papuans the right of
self determination and also decrying Freeport's decades of destructive
exploitation of Papuan resources and violation of Papuan rights. During their
march the protesters followed instructions of accompanying police to minimize
disruption of Jakarta's mid-day traffic. Some demonstrators sat down in the
street blocking several lanes of a major Jakarta thoroughfare near Freeport’s
corporate offices, after they were denied permission to enter and meet with
officials. Police were initially confused by the tactic but eventually struck at
least one of the demonstrators and briefly detained three forcing the
demonstrators to the side of the road.
Jakarta Authorities Mislead about Trial of
Purported Torturers
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Describing the event as
"classic bait and switch" and "a red herring,"Journalists
claimed to us that they had been deliberately misled, "they wanted to make
the story go away before the Obama visit," said one Jakarta-based
journalist.
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Indonesian and international media reporting on the eve of President Obama's
visit to Indonesia initially claimed that Indonesian justice had acted with
unusual speed in the case of the security personnel shown torturing two Papuans
in video footage that circulated widely in October (see
November West Papua
Report ). In Jakarta a
WPAT member heard international and Indonesian journalists express consternation
that Indonesian authorities had misled them about the identity of the security
personnel who appeared in court in Jayapura November 4. Describing the event as
"classic bait and switch" and "a red herring,"
the journalists explained that in reality the police personnel who appeared in
court were not the ones involved in the torture videos but rather were personnel
who had been shown beating villagers in separate video footage that had surfaced
at the time of the torture videos. Journalists claimed to us that they had been
deliberately misled, "they wanted to make the story go away before the Obama
visit," said one Jakarta-based journalist.
The November 4 court proceeding in any event was flawed. Three low-ranking
officers of the Pam Rahwan Yonif 753/Arga Vira Tama squad, based in Nabire,
Papua,
were sentenced to five months imprisonment for their beating of bound Papuan
villagers in March 2010.
Second Lt. Cosmos was sentenced to seven months in prison by the same court. The
sentences were more than the three months proposed by military prosecutors but
in the eyes of most observers were not commensurate with the seriousness of the
crime. Indonesian courts regularly sentence Papuans charged with peaceful
protest to imprisonment for ten to fifteen years.
Papuans and International Supporters Celebrate
Independence Day
On December 1, Papuans and their supporters
in West Papua and in cities around the world
celebrated the day in 1961 when the Papuans declared their independence from
Dutch colonial rule. The day was marked with peaceful demonstrations at the
Indonesian embassy in Washington D.C. where Amnesty International rallied on the
sixth anniversary of the arrest of prisoner of conscience Filep
Karma. Demonstrations were also held in New Zealand, Australia and elsewhere.
President Yudhoyono's Visit to West
Papua Deepens Resentments
Papuan officials publicly criticized President Yudhoyono's late November
visit to West Papua. Weynand Watori, head of the Provincial Legislature's (DPRD)
Commission A said the visit decried the President's unwillingness to engage in a
dialogue with the people. Watori noted specifically the President's failure to
address human rights violations or the people's rejection of special autonomy as
proposed by the central government but never effectively implemented.
The President was accompanied by nearly all members of his cabinet, as well as
people from the anti-corruption commission and the state finance investigation
agency.
The President did not meet with the Papuan Customary Council (DAP) which has
been particularly vocal in its criticism of the Government reliance on the
"security approach" to address political, cultural and social problems. In July,
DAP firmly rejected Jakarta's "special autonomy" policies, acting at the behest
of thousands of demonstrators in Jayapura and local constituencies throughout
West Papua.
Indonesian Military Leader's Statements
Foreshadow Growing
Role for Military in West Papua
Indonesian daily
Republika on November 23 carried comments by Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI),
Major General Suprapto that indicated TNI intent to expand its role in the
exploitation of natural resources. His remarks suggest strongly that the TNI is
eyeing an expansion of its already significant commercial activities in West
Papua. According to Suprapto, the TNI must be given a role to play in support of
infrastructure (development), especially in "isolated regions such as conflict
areas, outer lying islands and along land borders with other countries." (West
Papua is one of the few "outer islands" with foreign land borders and which is
regarded as a "conflict area.") Suprapto specifically called for closer
coordination between the TNI and key ministries dealing with forestry and
maritime affairs and fishing. The TNI has long been credibly accused of
involvement in illegal logging and collusion with illegally operating foreign
fishing vessels, especially in and around West Papua.
Notwithstanding legislation requiring the TNI to divest itself of an empire of
legal and illegal businesses by fall 2009, the TNI continues to evade civilian
control through maintenance of a major flow of funds outside the
civilian-controlled budgetary process; i.e., through its business empire.