This is the 90th in a
series of monthly reports that focus on
developments affecting Papuans. This series
is produced by the non-profit West Papua
Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media
accounts, other NGO assessments, and
analysis and reporting from sources within
West Papua. This report is co-published with
the East Timor and Indonesia Action
Network (ETAN). Back issues are posted
online at
http://etan.org/issues/wpapua/default.htm
Questions regarding this report can be
addressed to Edmund McWilliams at
edmcw@msn.com. If you wish to receive
the report via e-mail, send a note to etan@etan.org.
Summary:Indonesian
security forces attacked a mass gathering
in the Papua capital, Jayapura, and
striking workers at the Freeport mine in
the southern highlands. At least five
people were killed and many more injured
in the assaults, which show a renewed
pattern of overt violence against peaceful
dissent. A brutal and unjustified October
19 attack on thousands of Papuans
exercising their rights to assembly and
freedom of speech resulted in the death of
at least three Papuan civilians, the
beating of many, detention of hundreds and
arrest of six, reportedly on treason
charges. The Obama administration has
largely ignored the egregious violation of
human rights, instead advancing
U.S.-Indonesian military ties. U.S.
Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta, who
arrived in Indonesia in the immediate wake
of the Jayapura attack, avoided criticism
of the assault and reaffirmed U.S. support
for Indonesia's territorial integrity, a
snub to Papuans quest for
self-determination. Panetta also
reportedly commended Indonesia's handling
of a weeks-long strike at the U.S.-based
Freeport McMoRan mine which has seen eight
killings and revealed cash payments by
Freeport to the police. Indonesia's
response to the growing crisis in West
Papua is to increase the militarization of
the territory and to dispatch a special
unit that is headed by a notorious former
military officer whose record in dealing
with Aceh bears ominous implications for
the Papuans.
Obama Administration
Abandons Human Rights Agenda to Advance
Military Ties
On October 19, hundreds of Indonesian
military and police personnel attacked a
peaceful gathering of several thousand
Papuans engaged at a congress which had
convened to assert Papuans long-denied
right to self-determination. The Congress,
only the third such event in the last 50
years, sought to exercise rights of free
speech and assembly guaranteed by the
Indonesian Constitution and international
accords, including the International
Covenants on Civil and Political Rights
and on Economic and Cultural rights and
Social rights, the Universal Declaration
on Human Rights.
The
Obama administration was not
prepared to criticize Indonesian
security forces with whom it was
announcing a strengthened partnership.
This abandonment of principle by the
Obama administration is reminiscent of
the collusion of previous U.S.
administrations in the invasion and
occupation of East Timor by the Suharto
dictatorship.
The brutal assault by Indonesian security
forces killed at least three Papuans and
resulted in the disappearance of others
and the detention of approximately 300. At
least six leaders were arrested and are
expected to be charged with treason.
Separate accounts suggest that the number
of Papuans killed could be as high as 17
and the number of those detained and
beaten while in custody could be as high
as 800. Among those arrested were Forkorus
Yasboisembut, President of the Papuan
Customary Council (DAP). The security
force violence and arrests followed the
Congress's declaration of independence for
West Papua.
Security forces pursued the peaceful
demonstrators, beating participants. One
of those killed was reportedly shot in the
back. Two other victims were found beaten
to death, their bodies dumped behind a
police station. An Australian eye witness
to the assault, interviewed on Australian
television's ABC on October 28, identified
the attacking security forces as including
the Indonesian military (TNI), the
Indonesian specialized police (BRIMOB),
regular police units and the Indonesian
"anti-terror" force, Detachment 88. The
Detachment 88 team is funded and trained
by the U.S. and Australian governments. It
has repeatedly been charged with
extrajudicial killings and torture.
The
Police Commander for Papua publicly
defended the assault, as have senior
officials in Jakarta who contended that
the military operation against civilians
was provoked by Congress leaders who
sought to declare West Papua's
independence. "The government did not find
any abuse of power nor mismanaged
approaches by the security officers," said
presidential spokesman, Julian Aldrin
Pasha. “Police officers and security
forces just accomplished their (as) duties
mandated by the state.” Djoko Suyanto,
Coordinating Minister for Political Legal
and Security Affairs
also defended the assault. (See
also statements made by the Defense
Minister, Purnomo Yusgiantoro: fr example,
see Made Arya Kencana, Banjir Ambarita and
Ulma Haryanto, “Jakarta
Gives US Its Side of Story in Papua
Deaths,” The Jakarta Globe, 23
October 2011.
International human rights organizations
and some elected officials such as
U.S. Congressmember Eni Faleomavaega
and Australian
Greens Senator Richard Di Natale
immediately and strongly condemned the
violence. Faleomavaega urged the release
of those detained and specifically raised
the assault with U.S. Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton when she appeared before
the House Foreign Affairs Committee.
Senator Di Natale urged dispatch of an
investigatory mission to West Papua and
that Australia immediately suspend all
support for the Indonesian military.
While comments by Faleomavaega and Di
Natale echoed the calls of the many
international nongovernmental
organizations, there was scant word of
condemnation from other governments. The
silence rendered the international
community complicit in the attack.
Particularly egregious, in this regard,
was the reaction of the U.S. government.
U.S. Ambassador Marciel in Jakarta called
for an investigation of the incident.
While appropriate, that response was
manifestly inadequate. His failure to
condemn the assault, conveys to the
Indonesian government that use of lethal
and military force against peaceful
civilians is acceptable.
WPAT Comment:
In attempting to understand the
rationale for the Obama administration's
abandonment of human rights concerns it
is essential to note the presence of
U.S. Secretary of Defense Panetta in
Jakarta at the time of the assault.
Panetta's visit inaugurated the
resumption of full U.S.-Indonesia
military to military cooperation. It
appears that the Obama administration
was not prepared to criticize Indonesian
security forces with whom it was
announcing a strengthened partnership.
This abandonment of principle by the
Obama administration is reminiscent of
the collusion of previous U.S.
administrations in the invasion and
occupation of East Timor by the Suharto
dictatorship.
In the wake
of the assault on the Third Papuan Congress (see
above), continuing violence associated with police
efforts to quell an ongoing strike at Freeport
(see below), and the
killing of a local police chief in remote
Mulia district in the central highlands, the
Indonesian government announced the dispatch of
hundreds of additional security personnel to
augment the existing Indonesian occupation force
in West Papua.
The Jakarta Post reported that provincial
police spokesman Wachyono saying that “So far 260
[extra] personnel from the police mobile brigade
(Brimob) have landed in Papua province to help
maintain security in two districts." Troops were
sent to the Puncak Jaya and Paniai highlands in
central Papua, he said, adding that they will join
an existing force of 14,000 police and
paramilitary troops in Papua.
Wachyono said they were still “hunting” the police
chief’s killers. Authorities have said that based
on preliminary investigations they are believed to
be separatists. (WPAT Comment: the launch of
"hunting" indicates that security force sweep
operations may be underway. These operations
routinely displace large numbers of civilians as
their villages and gardens are destroyed.)
Numerous Indonesian non-governmental organizations
criticized the dispatch of ever greater numbers of
military and police elements to West Papua. "The
militarization of West Papua has the clear intent
of intimidating Papuan civilians who are
courageously pursuing a course of peaceful dissent
in defense of their rights, including worker
rights and the right to self determination" said
Edmund McWilliams, a former senior U.S. diplomat
who served in Indonesia. "Jakarta authorities," he
added, continue to employ security forces and thug
militias to suppress Papuans' peaceful resistance
to ethnic genocide implicit in Jakarta's support
for transmigration-colonization and its denial of
vital services to Papuans."
Notorious Military
General to Head Jakarta's Conflict Resolution
Unit in West Papua
On October 29,
the Yudhoyono administration
announced formation of a special unit tasked
with settling the conflict in West Papua. The
"Unit to Accelerate the Development in West Papua
and Papua" (UP4B) was actually formed in
September. In mid-October, Yudhoyono signed
a decree, appointing Lt. Gen. (ret) Bambang
Darmono to the chairman of UP4B. It will report to
a board headed by Vice President Boediono.
The announcement aid that the team will be led by
Bambang Darmono, the former commander of military
operations in Aceh (2002-2005) and a key
Indonesian figure in negotiations that produced
the 2005 Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) which
ended formal conflict between the Acehnese Freedom
Movement (GAM) and Indonesia security forces.
Darmono is the former Secretary General of the
National Defense Council.
Darmono's
record as commander of Indonesian security forces
is replete with credible charges of human rights
violations including the execution of seven
teenage Acehnese on May 21, 2003, thoroughly
reported by Tempo magazine. His troops allegedly
also executed Muzakkir Abdullah, an Acehnese
peasant in the hamlet of Seumirah, Nisam district,
in June 2003.
Several Indonesian soldiers abducted him earlier
that day. Abdullah’s sister was photographed
screaming when she saw his body. The photo by a
Reuters photographer won a World Press Photo
award. Darmono appeared prominently in a
documentary, “The
Black Road” by William Nessen,
in which Darmono denied the involvement of
his troops in the arrest and torture of a human
rights defender. He had admitted that his troops
had sometimes became abusive and he arrested some
of them for shooting chicken. In a June
26, 2007 interview with the U.S. Public
Broadcasting System, Darmono strongly sided with
Javanese transmigrants whose government-sponsored
resettlement in Aceh mirrored government-sponsored
transmigrant settlement of West Papua. To
many Papuans, like many Achenese, such
government-sponsored transmigrant schemes amount
to colonization. Darmono's past championing
of such policies in Aceh raise concerns for
Papuans. Such concerns are particularly
strong given predictions by the "Papua
Road Map Project," a plan by academics to
promote peace in West Papua, that the percentage
of non-Papuans living in West Papua will rise from
41 percent in 2005 to 53.5 percent by the end of
2011, rendering Papuans a minority in their own
homeland.
The
Indonesian government's failure to carry out key
elements of the 2005 MOU, including the failure to
establish a promised Human Rights Court for Aceh
and a "Commission for Justice and Reconciliation,"
according to many as a consequence of military
opposition to such steps, led in large measure by
Darmono.
The appointment of Darmono to the special unit for
West Papua is indicative of the manner in which
the Yudhoyono administration intends to "settle"
the conflict in West Papua. Indonesian Security Forces
Still on The Take from Freeport
Indonesian
security forces in West Papua, notably the police,
continue to receive extensive direct payments of
cash from Freeport McMoRan. National Police chief
Timur Pradopo admitted
on October 28 that officers had
received close to $10 million annually from
Freeport. Prominent Indonesian NGO Imparsial puts
the annual figure at $14 million. Pradopa
described the payments as "lunch
money." The
payments recall even larger payments made by
Freeport to Indonesian military forces over the
years which, once revealed, prompted a U.S.
Security and Exchange Commission investigation of
Freeport and questions as to Freeport's liability
under the U.S. law (the Foreign Corrupt Practices
Act).
Police,
according to Haris, also accused the
striking workers of treason. “All they
did was make demands for their improved
welfare. How can the police accuse them
of being separatists? It makes no
sense,” he said.
The
revelation of payments to the police has prompted
widespread criticism in Indonesia. The respected
Indonesian NGO KontraS
(Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of
Violence) accused the police of a conflict of
interest in West Papua. KontraS said that
based on its investigations, the police had become
involved in ongoing labor disputes that have led
to violence and interruptions in Freeport
operations (see following item). KontraS cited
specific examples of police intimidation,
including death threats targeting union
organizers. It said Sudiro, SPSI’s chief workplace
organizer for Freeport’s Grasberg mine, had
reported that Timika Police Chief Denny Siregar
called him and made a death threat. KontraS also
pointed to instances of police verbal harrassment
of other union leaders. “From the testimonies
collected by KontraS [in Timika] on the sidelines
of negotiations between workers and Freeport, the
police chief pressured the SPSI leader to comply
with the company’s wishes" Kontras investigator
Haris Azhar told media on October 28.
Police, according to Haris, also accused the
striking workers of treason. “All they did was
make demands for their improved welfare. How can
the police accuse them of being separatists? It
makes no sense,” he said.
KontraS said the presumed reason for the police
taking the gold and copper mining company’s side
was Freeport’s documented direct payments to
police officers based in the area. Haris added
that the flood of money to police had created a
conflict of interest when its people, nominally
public servants, handled cases related to the
company. “When there’s a problem between Freeport
and their workers, of course they choose to
support Freeport,” he said. Haris said Kontras
would report its findings to the Coordinating
Minister for Politics and Security and the
Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).
U.S.
Secretary of Defense Praise for Indonesian
Handling of Freeport Strike
The
Jakarta Post reported on October 25 that
U.S. Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta, visiting
Indonesia, had "praised Indonesia's handling of
the strike at Freeport." The strike has seen at
least 8 killings in October and a partial shutdown
of mining operations. The protracted struggle for
worker rights has also involved police assaults on
demonstrators and, according to the respected
Indonesian NGO Kontras, police death threats to a
union leader and harassment and intimidation
targeting other union officials.
The violence has accompanied renewed reports of
police receipt of Freeport cash, according to the
national police commander as "lunch money." The
lunch money amounted to at least $10 million (see
above report). Freeport's labor difficulties are
compounded by growing calls for a renegotiation of
Freeport's contract and by demonstrations
targeting its office in Jakarta and its
headquarters in Phoenix, Arizona.
Panetta's exact comments regarding Indonesian
"handling" of the strike were not reported and the
U.S. Embassy has not provided text for Panetta's
remarks to his Indonesian hosts. Meanwhile the
strike, which began in September largely over wage
issues, continues.