Members of Congress Urge President Bush Not to Normalize
Military Ties with Indonesia
Rewarding “Half-Steps” to Reform Undeserved
For Immediate Release
Contact: John M. Miller (718) 596-7668
Karen Orenstein (202) 544-6911
August 18, 2005 - Members of the U.S. House of Representatives
recently called on President Bush “to reconsider strengthening ties
with the Indonesian military (TNI).”
In a letter to President Bush, they wrote that they are "troubled
that you are seeking such normalization despite the persistence of
obvious human rights, accountability, and security force reform
problems in Indonesia." They called normalization of relations with
the military a "premature reward for the half-steps that have been
taken."
The letter, initiated by Representatives Nita Lowey (D-NY) and
Christopher H. Smith (R-NJ), was sent as Senate and House
negotiators prepare to reconcile their differing versions of the
Foreign Operations Appropriations bill. The Senate version would
maintain most restrictions on U.S. military assistance to Indonesia,
while the House would eliminate them.
"The House leadership should heed what its members advocate in this
letter and agree to the strongest possible restrictions on the
Indonesian military in the final appropriations act," said Karen
Orenstein, Washington Coordinator of the East Timor and Indonesia
Action Network (ETAN).
"If the Bush administration and its allies in Congress are serious
about promoting democratic reform and human rights in Indonesia,
they would support and strengthen the Senate's restrictions," she
added.
“The success so far of the recent Aceh peace
agreement requires that Indonesia’s security forces respect the
Acehnese’s political and human rights, a formidable test. The terms
of the agreement must be first be implemented and given time to work
before the Indonesian military is allowed any additional
assistance,” said John M. Miller, spokesperson for ETAN.
"A recent GAO report revealed the overwhelming failure of human
rights vetting by the State Department in Indonesia. Past assurances
that U.S. security assistance will not in the end strengthen the
hand of human rights violators are hollow. Further, the larger issue
remains that the still-brutal, unreformed Indonesian military will
see any U.S. assistance as an endorsement of business-as-usual,"
Miller added.
The letter was signed by 54 representatives.
Background
The Senate version of the fiscal year 2006 Foreign Operations
Appropriations bill would continue restrictions on foreign military
financing and export of "lethal" military equipment until the
secretary of state certifies that certain conditions are met
pertaining to justice for rights violations, transparency and
accountability of the TNI's operations and finances, and
counter-terrorism efforts. The House version
merely contains a
reporting requirement on whether Indonesia has complied with past
conditions on military assistance.
A conference committee with representatives from both chambers,
which may meet in September, must reconcile the two versions of the
bill before it is sent to the president for signature.
In recent years, Congress had maintained only one condition
restricting full International Military Education and Training
(IMET): cooperation by Indonesian authorities with an FBI
investigation into the 2002 ambush murder of an Indonesian and two
U.S. citizens in West Papua. In late February, Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice restored full IMET for Indonesia, even though
cooperation by Indonesia in this case has been spotty at best. The
Senate version of the appropriations bill would delay additional
IMET until Rice submits a detailed report on U.S. and Indonesian
efforts to bring to justice those responsible for the 2002 attack.
A recent report of the General Accountability Office (GAO),
"Southeast Asia: Better Human Rights Reviews and Strategic Planning
Needed for Assistance to Foreign Security Forces," strongly
criticized procedures used to vet security officers from Indonesia
and other countries for training, despite U.S. law and policy which
bars training for units and individuals with credible evidence of
human rights violations.
Under President Yudhoyono, humanitarian and human rights conditions
have significantly deteriorated in West Papua and militarization of
the entire archipelago has increased. The Indonesian government
continues to block substantive international efforts at
accountability for crimes against humanity in East Timor. Last
month, an appeals court overturned all convictions in the first
test-case of accountability for Suharto-era crimes, the 1984 Tanjung
Priok massacre that left scores of civilians murdered.
East Timorese and Indonesian NGOs have repeatedly called for
maintaining restrictions on military assistance. Victims and
survivors of the West Papua killings have called for continued
restriction of IMET until their case is fully resolved.
In May, 53 U.S.
organizations urged President Bush not to offer military
assistance to Indonesia. East Timorese and Indonesian NGOs have
repeatedly called for maintaining restrictions on U.S. military
assistance. Victims and survivors of the West Papua killings have
called for IMET restriction to continue until their case is fully
resolved.
For additional background see
http://www.etan.org/issues/miltie.htm.
Dear Mr. President:
We are writing to express our concerns about the trend toward full
normalization of military ties between the United States and Indonesia.
Specifically, we are troubled that you are seeking such normalization
despite the persistence of obvious human rights, accountability, and
security force reform problems in Indonesia. We urge you to reconsider
strengthening ties with the Indonesian military (TNI) until considerably
more progress is made in these areas.
The Indonesian people have made substantial strides toward democracy
recently; last year’s first direct presidential election was a highlight.
While Indonesia’s defense minister has begun taking some welcome steps to
rein in the TNI’s many illicit business ventures, the military under
President Yudhoyono’s administration is retreating on other promises of
reform. Plans to significantly increase the number of Army territorial
commands and the TNI’s granting of permission for active duty officers to
run in upcoming regional elections represent a disquieting increase in
security force involvement in civilian political affairs.
Further, despite repeated expressions of concern by the Administration
and Congress, Indonesia continues to resist accountability for crimes
against humanity and other serious violations committed by its security
forces in Indonesia and Timor-Leste. Indonesia’s failure to issue visas in
a timely fashion to the U.N. Secretary General’s Commission of Experts
stands out as a testament to a lack of progress toward ending impunity.
Areas of conflict remain heavily militarized under President Yudhoyono’s
administration, with West Papua experiencing a marked escalation of
militarization and military operations continuing in Aceh despite the
lifting of the state of civil emergency. In addition, the TNI’s documented
support for terror groups very seriously compromises its compatibility
with U.S. anti-terrorism goals. A March 2002 study for the U.S. Naval
Postgraduate School noted that the Indonesian army had become “a major
facilitator of terrorism” due to “radical Muslim militias they had
organized, trained, and financed.”
Finally, the shocking assassination of Munir, Indonesia’s foremost
human rights defender, last September, dealt a tremendous blow to human
rights work in Indonesia. We are extremely concerned with the lack of
progress and apparent political interference in this most important
investigation. We regard prosecution of all perpetrators of this heinous
crime, consistent with international standards, as a litmus test of the
Indonesian government’s and security forces’ commitment to the rule of
law. Successful resolution of Munir’s murder should be a determining
factor in the U.S.-Indonesia security relationship.
While we have great hopes for further change under President
Yudhoyono’s administration, we believe strongly that the normalization of
relations at this time would be a premature reward for the half-steps that
have been taken. Full normalization would merely undermine the excellent
advocacy the U.S. has traditionally undertaken on behalf of genuine
progress on human rights, military reform, and accountability.
Thank you very much for considering our views; we look forward to your
response.
Sincerely,
Nita Lowey (NY)
Christopher Smith (NJ)
Martin
Sabo (MN)
James Oberstar (MN)
Alcee Hastings (FL)
John Lewis (GA)
Zoe Lofgren (CA)
Steven
Rothman (NJ)
Lynn Woolsey (CA)
James McGovern (MA)
Timothy Bishop (NY)
Rosa DeLauro (CT)
Dennis Cardoza
(CA)
Tammy Baldwin (WI)
Maurice Hinchey (NY)
William Delahunt (MA)
Donald Payne (NJ)
John Tierney (MA)
Maxine Waters (CA)
Bernard Sanders (VT)
Mark Udall (CO)
Bob Filner (CA)
Brian Higgins (PA)
Robert Brady (PA)
William Lacy Clay (MO)
Patrick Kennedy (RI)
Janice Schakowsky (IL)
Barbara
Lee (CA)
Albert
Wynn (MD)
Joseph Crowley (NY)
Mark Green (WI)
Eni
Faleomavaega (AS)
Carolyn Maloney (NY)
Robert Andrews (NJ)
Henry Waxman (CA)
Tom Udall
(NM)
Neil
Abercrombie (HI)
Raul
Grijalva
(AZ)
Lane Evans (IL)
Jim Gerlach (PA)
Michael Capuano (MA)
Jim McDermott (WA)
Peter DeFazio (OR)
Betty McCollum (MN)
Chris Van Hollen (MD)
David Wu (OR)
Jose Serrano (NY)
Anthony Weiner (NY)
Ed Pastor (AZ)
Danny Davis (IL)
Diane Watson (CA)
James Langevin (RI)
Fortney Pete Stark (CA)
Dennis Kucinich (OH)
|