Youth Resistance in East Timor
by Sonya HurstonOn July 17, 1976, Indonesia officially declared East Timor its newest
province. While I was in East Timor in July 1997, I attended an event celebrating this
anniversary, called "Integration Day" by the occupation government.
An East Timorese college student befriended me at the ill-attended and artificial
ceremony. As we listened to official speeches about development, she said, "Indonesia
has built more schools, but no one teaches or learns inside these schools. There are more
roads to tote military troops from one end of the island to the other. This is not
development. This is an illegal occupation."
Before we parted company, this young woman gave me a message to carry to the US stating
"Viva Xanana" (the jailed leader of the Timorese resistance), "Viva
Ramos-Horta," "Viva Bishop Belo" (the two East Timorese 1996 Nobel Peace
Prize laureates) and "Support a UN referendum for East Timor."
Later, in the crammed public bus in Dili, the capitol, my ears adjust to the loud
electronic pop music. This same song, similar to the hip hop currently so popular in
Indonesia, is played all over Dili. "Are you from Australia?" a young East
Timorese asks me over the music. "Im from the US." "Are you a
journalist?" "I am a tourist," I say, knowing that journalists were
recently expelled from East Timor. "Yes, well, no one can speak the truth here,"
he says so softly I must strain to hear.
The song on the radio is in Tetum, the indigenous language of East Timor. The hip hop
beat masks the sorrow of the words, which the young East Timorese translates to me:
"I went to town with hope, but came home to great sorrow. All of the men in my town
have been killed; the women sit crying for their pain and loss. East Timor is our home,
but it has been taken from us. With good faith in the Lord, we will find peace; we will
find justice."
The US ambassador to Jakarta in 1975 hoped the Indonesian military would invade
"quickly, efficiently." But 22 years later, the East Timorese continue to resist
the annexation. Today, a new generation of resistance activists is keeping alive the dream
of an East Timor free of Indonesian rule.
In fall 1996, the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to Bishop Carlos Ximenes Belo and
Special Representative of the East Timorese Resistance José Ramos-Horta raised East
Timors international profile. But inside East Timor, the level of killings, rapes
and torture is, according to high Catholic Church officials and other human rights
observers, worse than it has been for five years. The number of arbitrary arrests and
disappearances has increased dramatically in the past year. One priest in Baucau told me
that "the military often arrest youth late at night. They take them from their homes
without any information given to their parents. They interrogate them for hours, sometimes
days, boys and girls as young as 10 years old."
During my time in East Timor, I didnt have to ask many questions. Local people
were anxious to expose me to what I couldnt see. Anywhere away from the eyes and
ears of Indonesian Intelligence there were disturbing stories. Every East Timorese I met
had lost some family member to the occupation. A taxi driver told me how his parents were
both killed in front of him and his sister raped by Indonesian soldiers. A woman in Dili
told me of the hundreds of dead bodies thrown into this port by the Indonesian military.
On a mountain overlooking Dili, a group of young women told me how East Timorese women are
sterilized against their will. A young man in Dili told me that he will not marry because
he knows that if he is caught doing resistance work, his wife will be raped and tortured.
Several people told their versions of the Santa Cruz Cemetery massacre on November 12,
1991, all including the same basic horrific details.
The Santa Cruz massacre broke the international silence about East Timor. What made
this mass killing different from many previous ones was that Western journalists witnessed
it.
The day after the massacre, General Try Sutrisno called the Timorese demonstrators
"disrupters." "Delinquents like these have to be shot," he said,
"and we will shoot them." I was teaching at a college in Java, Indonesia at the
time of the massacre. Subversion trials of student activists in Java who protested the
massacre led to prison sentences ranging from 5 years to life. Indonesian student
activists told me that East Timorese young people inspired and educated Indonesian youth
to resist Suharto. In 1997, youth movements in Indonesia and East Timor have even closer
ties. One East Timorese student in Jakarta told me, "We hate Suharto and his military
regime, not Indonesians. We must learn from one another and work together to topple this
regime."
There is a desperate sense of urgency in East Timor. Young people constantly renew
their commitment to resistance, but they depend on international awareness and support.
"All we ask for is self-determination," one young man told me. "This is a
basic human right. The Nobel Peace Prize legitimizes our struggle, but we need much more
than this." While Indonesia claims that most Timorese want "integration,"
they will not allow a UN referendum, for which they would need to evacuate the 30,000
military troops from the island.
As I left East Timor, my thoughts returned to the upbeat song with the heart-breaking
lyrics that I heard throughout Dili. I couldnt help be overwhelmed by the
needlessness of the suffering these tough, resilient people experience on a daily basis.