| Subject: Gus
Dur's consistency 'being tested in TNI investigation'
Jakarta Post January 04, 2000
Editorial and Opinion
Gus Dur's consistency 'being tested in
TNI investigation'
YOGYAKARTA (JP): While civilians are
trying to bring the military to accountability, some speculate that
President Abdurrahman Wahid is trying to protect it, given his unclear
stance. The Jakarta Post interviewed political researcher Riswandha Imawan
from Gadjah Mada University last week. The following are excerpts from the
interview:
Question: Several of the military's top
brass may be tried in a human rights court or even in an international
tribunal. President Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) seems to back the generals
while demands continue to put an end to the Indonesian Military's (TNI)
social and political role, saying it is the source of alleged atrocities.
What do you think?
Answer: For the time being, Gus Dur will
let TNI be involved in politics, for he is still facing a problem of
political consolidation. He will protect the generals from being tried,
particularly in international tribunals. Gus Dur greatly needs TNI's
support to cope with the threat of disintegration coming from Aceh, Irian
Jaya and so on, apart from facing the negative excesses of reform --
"consolidated anarchy" instead of democracy. But if Gus Dur
succeeds in preserving Aceh, he will immediately play his other cards to
send the military back to the barracks. There is no guarantee at all that
Gus Dur will continue to back the military.
The approach toward TNI so far has been
inevitable for Gus Dur's government because he has begun to realize the
weakness of his largely accommodative stance which is beginning to have a
negative effect on his Cabinet.
In the beginning, Gus Dur was often quite
cynical toward the military. He expressed anger at former minister of
information Gen. Yunus Yosfiah, saying that a general did not understand
the affairs of the common people. That was an extraordinary statement,
showing his overall view toward the military.
Gus Dur also made a controversial
decision in the withdrawal of all nonlocal troops, including the special
forces from Aceh. He expected that politicians would back his stance
against the military. But it was clear that they did not give their entire
support and instead played behind his back.
Examples included the confusion over the
resignation of former minister Hamzah Haz, and the ensuing statements from
Amien Rais (suggesting a maneuver against the Muslim-oriented 'axis
force'), which showed lack of loyalty of the ministers and their sponsors
toward the President (Gus Dur had stated he had formed the Cabinet with
others who acted as "guarantors" of the new ministers including
Amien). This has threatened Gus Dur's position.
That's why Gus Dur acts as if he is
supporting the military ... That he dared to say no to the option of
Aceh's independence meant he must have had the support of the military,
assuming they were ready for repressive measures against the freedom
movement there.
So, the President will no longer protect
the generals from demands of justice against rights abuses once the
disintegration threats and chaos are solved?
That's what I see, that he would back the
military only to avoid the worst possibility of repressive action toward
demands for a referendum in Aceh, and the potential of calls for
independence elsewhere like in Irian Jaya. Once the problems are solved,
Gus Dur could still ask the military to return to their barracks. But if
he is not careful he could also be trapped into an authoritarian rule once
he has larger support from the military.
Do you think Abdurrahman's recent visit
and lobbies to foreign governments could reduce his dependence on TNI in
handling threats of disintegration?
I think so. But remember that we cannot
trust the international community just like that. Don't believe that those
governments recognize Aceh as an Indonesian territory, because once a
referendum is conducted with an option for independence and if the
independence side wins and becomes open (to foreign countries), even
neighboring countries could acknowledge Aceh. Their interest lies in the
Malacca Straits.
We should learn from East Timor. It was
the American government that gave the Indonesian government a green light
to enter East Timor, but it was also America that edged Indonesia out.
International politics is based on interest, not ideology. It is this fact
which has led Gus Dur's government to keep the military under its wing, at
least in these difficult times.
Do you think Abdurrahman holds an
important card over the military?
Obviously. This was reflected from the
statement of Minister of Foreign Affairs Alwi Shihab, that the maneuvers
to open trade links with Israel were part of efforts to save the generals
from an international tribunal. His statement was clearly an effort to
draw sympathy from the generals, that the planned ties with Israel were
not only for the sake of trade. Gus Dur's efforts to link up with China
can be seen in the same light; China has veto rights on the United
Nation's Security Council. Gus Dur has also stated he is against the
generals being tried at an international tribunal, and has urged that they
be tried in this country.
What do you think of the allegation of
human rights abuses?
Frankly, all military operations
throughout the world violate human rights. For instance, in the way
soldiers arrest people without notice or arrest warrants. What needs to be
agreed on in a national tribunal is the identification of rights abuses
which can be tolerated by social norms, and the rest should be left to the
court ... What has to be tried in court are the cruel actions of the
military, such as the slow killings involving torture like the peeling of
the scalp.
Regarding the inquiry on human rights,
the government must also prevent soldiers from being in an absurd position
-- meaning they would be dismissed for resisting their superior's commands
while they could face punishment for abusing human rights as they had
followed orders. In fact no soldier acts without their superior's command,
so the ones to be tried should be those who gave the orders, up to the
highest level.
How do you view Abdurrahman's stance
toward the rights abuses?
I think Gus Dur displays a double
standard. His siding with the people's interest and their demands is being
severely tested with his consistency to bring the generals to court. I
think a safe way out for Gus Dur is to request Marzuki Darusman, both in
his capacity as Attorney General and chairman of the National Commission
for Human Rights, to list all rights abuses which cannot be tolerated,
because, as I have said, there are no military operations which do not
abuse rights. After that we would be able to set a time frame, in this
case after the Aug. 30 ballot in East Timor, and the actions which cannot
be tolerated. Then the perpetrators would be sought out and the person
involved brought to court.
So we wouldn't be involving too many
military officers and would avoid rocking the boat in relation to TNI.
What is happening now could produce a domino effect, all involved officers
could go on trial; all members would be in one boat and this could
motivate a conspiracy among soldiers, which could bring negative
ramifications upon Gus Dur's government.
Meanwhile, Gus Dur and the National
Commission on Human Rights have said they would uphold the law
indiscriminately ... So the best way for Gus Dur to act would be to
instruct Marzuki Darusman and the commission to determine the criteria for
intolerable abuses. So, take the perpetrators to court, but they would
have to be the ones directly involved and those who gave direct orders.
In the current situation, I agree that
the military could lose its patience if it is constantly pushed into a
corner. We could see ... a real entrance of the military into politics.
Many believe the President has a strong
commitment to promoting a civil society.
That's right. Despite his confusing
maneuvers, I think Gus Dur consistently bases all his steps on the premise
that it is now time for people to be given a larger space to determine
their own fate. I'm not defending Gus Dur, but this is what I understand,
that he has always been consistent in promoting a civil society.
Gus Dur must also be aware that civil
society has two conflicting characteristics ... it is both independent and
sectarian. Look at how terrorism among people is spreading. To uphold the
law, law enforcement, as one of the determinants of the success of reform,
needs a neutral state institution -- the police and the military.
So Gus Dur clearly still needs TNI for
now, for the police are still far from adequate. He has to be extra
cautious while he faces the threat of public impatience with economic
recovery. All these are, in fact, connected; political consolidation must
be completed to pave the way for smooth economic recovery.
How long would you say is needed for
Abdurrahman to complete this delicate process, mainly political
consolidation regarding TNI?
It's difficult to say. But given his
five-year term, the process should be resolved by mid-2000, after which he
must concentrate on economic recovery. Failure to take concrete action on
the economy would risk the life of his Cabinet. But I would also like to
remind people that however difficult the problems now being faced are,
there is the inheritance of the former regime. While we are learning about
democracy, we should appreciate the person now in charge and let him
complete his tasks to the end of his term. (Asip Agus Hasani)
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