| Subject: Age
Feature: Timor Mon Amour: A Nation Starts To Breathe
The Age [Melbourne] Tuesday 4 January
2000
Feature
Timor mon amour: a nation starts to
breathe
East Timor has set out on the long road
back to normality
By MARK DODD
THREE months after his UN-backed force
landed in East Timor, the InterFET Commander, Major-General Peter
Cosgrove, chuckles about a growing number of complaints from Dili citizens
about noisy armored vehicles trundling around in the wee hours of the
morning. He takes the complaints as compliments - proof, he says, that
East Timorese are finally confident about security in the devastated
capital.
After 24 years the Indonesians have gone
and the once-feared militias are little more than a disorganised,
disintegrating rabble scattered across Indonesian West Timor. Diplomats
say the militias remain an embarrassment to Jakarta and a painful reminder
of millions of dollars squandered on the lost cause of integration, which
in the end brought its armed forces international humiliation and
disrepute.
Cosgrove likes to describe the
Australian-led intervention in East Timor as "helping a neighbor
whose house was on fire with a bully standing in the back yard".
Others say the InterFET mission is one of the most successful in the
United Nations' history. Australia's biggest overseas military deployment
since the Vietnam War involved more than 6000 Australian men and women
from all three services in the 11,000-strong InterFET.
By the end of February, Cosgrove hopes to
hand over military command to the UN transitional administration. Its role
is to oversee East Timor's transition to a democracy within two or three
years. Its head is 51-year-old Brazilian Sergio Vieira de Mello, a UN
diplomat with extensive peacekeeping experience who won praise for his
role in securing the return of about 500,000 Cambodian refugees from camps
in Thailand.
But relations between the transitional
administration and the Timorese have not always been smooth. In the early
days, a handful of self-styled "UN tsars" who allegedly pushed
their personal agendas threatened to alienate many East Timorese,
including key officials in the main independence coalition group, the
National Council of Timorese Resistance. A sudden decision to introduce
the Portuguese currency - the escudo - into the fragile economy was a
dismal failure, while another "quick-fix" scheme to train East
Timorese judges angered the council. In the latest blow-up, the council's
vice-chairman, Jose Ramos Horta, accused the UN and InterFET of failing to
consult East Timorese over a multi-million-dollar contract involving an
Indonesian company making urgent repairs to a helicopter taxiway at Dili
airport.
Earlier, Ramos Horta expressed
frustration at delays by UN organisations in providing roofing and
building equipment for tens of thousands of people who still live without
adequate shelter three months after their homes were burnt by militias.
With the onset of the wet season, action
needs to be swift. The UN refugee agency and its partner, the
International Organisation for Migration, say the militias' hold on more
than 200 squalid, disease-ridden camps in Indonesian West Timor is showing
signs of diminishing. More than 119,000 East Timorese have been
repatriated but 160,000 others have yet to return.
Food is also moving slowly. The World
Food Program's insistence on hand-stacking hundreds of bags of relief
maize in the holds of its charter ships, rather then using containers,
ties up ships for 36 hours at the busy Dili wharf. This causes unnecessary
delays for other ships. The Catholic relief agency Caritas, with
long-established local links, says the East Timorese bombard it with daily
requests for food assistance, but it has to turn them away.
One of the most successful aid projects
has been the restoration by British Gurkhas and the Australian Army of
Dili's Central Market, which militia burnt down. The Mercado Municipal
(central market) is now a thriving centre of commerce.
And the aid operation has improved.
Hundreds of tonnes of roofing material has arrived in port; thousands of
tonnes is said to be on its way. World Food Program helicopters have moved
more than 1000 tonnes of food supplies. Australian, British and Portuguese
engineers have begun massive repairs to the devastated electricity grid
and mobile phones are working again thanks to Telstra, but only in Dili.
After some dithering, the UN Children's Fund, East Timor's defacto
education ministry, is offering contracts and tenders for the repair of 90
school roofs. Australian army engineers have also built a bridge on the
main Suai Maliana road.
Yet money remains a problem for East
Timor. Pledges at December's donor conference in Tokyo totalled more than
$US522million for up to three years. The projected cost of running the
transitional administration is more than $US700million for just one year.
How much is going to be left for reconstruction?
Despite the odd blow-up, Ramos Horta says
relations with the UN have improved. "At every level now they are
talking with us. They realise after being here that there is no way you
can work in this country without CNRT cooperation."
Of more concern is the future of the CNRT.
Ramos Horta gives the fragile coalition a life expectancy of six months,
but some of his colleagues say privately that it may self-destruct as
early as February. Old UDT party loyalists grouped around the Carrascalao
clan, Mario, Joao and Manuel, are said to be ready for a split. In an
interview with The Age, Manuel Carrascalao warned of grievances against
Ramos Horta's management style. Ramos Horta responded that he will retire
from the CNRT next year and become an independent politician. He also
plans to open a diplomatic training school for East Timorese.
Both Ramos Horta and the CNRT president,
Xanana Gusmao, are known to be concerned about recent business dealings
involving Manuel Carrascalao - notably his joint involvement in the Dili
Lodge Hotel, which the UN ordered closed because it is illegally sited on
state property. Gusmao has called for a code of conduct for CNRT
officials.
Speaking at the Tokyo conference, Gusmao
described 1999 as a year of extremes. "Happiness on the day of the
ballot, tears at the destruction and loss of life which followed. The one
thing that has been consistent throughout this year has been the bravery
of our people, their determination to vote for an independent future, and
their fortitude in facing the trauma after the ballot."
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