| Subject: JP editorial: Now Milosevic. Next?
Also: JP: Milosevic's handover a precedent for RI
The Jakarta Post June 30, 2001
Editorial
Now Milosevic. Next?
Indonesia should take heed of the way Belgrade succumbed to
international pressure and delivered former Serbian strongman Slobodan
Milosevic to the United Nations to face war crime charges.
The real message this story sends out is that the world community has
become more determined than ever to ensure that those who have committed
crimes against humanity will be punished.
Belgrade had no choice but to deliver Milosevic to the International
Criminal Tribunal in The Hague. The United States and its European allies
withheld aid that Belgrade so badly needs until it complied with their
demand.
The present government in Belgrade, which beat Milosevic's regime in a
democratic election in October 2000, had been reluctant to hand over the
man who was indicted by the tribunal in 1999 for the mass killings and
expulsion of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.
Many in Belgrade have argued that, for all the horrible things that
Milosevic was supposed to have done, he is a Serbian citizen who must be
protected by the constitution. If a trial had to be held, they wanted it
held in a local court in accordance with the law of the land. To send him
to The Hague has not only brought shame on the man and his regime, but
also the entire nation. It will leave a stigma that will be hard to erase
for years to come.
Milosevic became the first head of state to face an international court
for war crimes committed while in office. Prosecutors also plan to charge
him with war crimes committed in Bosnia and Croatia. As we wait for the
process to unfold in the next few days, there are already many valuable
lessons for Indonesia to learn from the way the international community,
or more precisely the Western powers, pressured Belgrade.
Like Serbia, Indonesia has been facing international demands to
prosecute and punish officials in the government and military for their
alleged roles in the campaign of terror and destruction in East Timor,
before and after the people in the territory voted for independence in
October 1999.
Like Serbia, Indonesia is heavily dependent on the support of the West
to resuscitate its ailing economy. Already, Indonesia's economy is
virtually being managed by the International Monetary Fund, with three
successive governments holding power since 1997 practically having little
say over policy. From an economic standpoint alone, Indonesia is already
far more vulnerable to international pressure than Serbia.
Unlike Serbia, however, no Indonesian official or general has been
indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal. But don't bet that it
won't happen here. Patience has its limits, and, judging by statements
from Australian and New Zealand officials during President Abdurrahman
Wahid's visit there this week, the international community's patience may
soon run out.
The United Nations has so far given the benefit of the doubt to
Indonesian authorities, who have said that they would prosecute and punish
errant officials involved in the East Timor debacle in accordance with the
crimes they committed. That was the position in late 1999, when Indonesia
promised that justice would be upheld.
It is now nearly two years since that promise was made. Since the
initial investigations of officials in the government and the military,
which attracted massive publicity, progress has been painfully slow. Not a
single one of those investigated has been brought to court, let alone
convicted.
In the intervening years, questions about the progress of the
investigation have arisen on various occasions, like in Canberra and
Wellington this week. Each time the question came up, Indonesia made new
promises to pursue the matter.
How long do we think can we play this game without testing the patience
of the international community? The Milosevic case should serve as a
warning that the government had better get its act together and prosecute
those responsible for the East Timor debacle before the matter is taken
over by the United Nations, putting the entire nation to shame, similar to
what Serbia is going through now.
Indonesia should stop pursuing this narrow brand of patriotism,
protecting a handful of its own people, particularly if they brought shame
on the entire nation through their actions in East Timor two years ago.
These officials should be punished accordingly. By continually shielding
them from the law, the government and present military leadership are
further risking the nation's reputation and honor.
The Jakarta Post June 30, 2001
Milosevic's handover a precedent for RI
By Tertiani ZB Simanjuntak
JAKARTA (JP): Observers warned that the extradition of former Yugoslav
president Slobodan Milosevic could set a precedent for the prosecution of
Indonesians accused of human rights abuses, if the government here fails
to bring legal proceedings against them.
Noted human rights lawyer Todung Mulya Lubis pointed out Friday that
while Jakarta had not ratified the statute of the International Criminal
Court, the international community could still endeavor to bring the
perpetrators of rights abuses before it.
The government, therefore, said Todung, should accelerate the
establishment of its own tribunal.
"We don't recognize the international court's jurisdiction nor
universal principles which allow the extradition of our nationals who
allegedly abuse human rights. But it doesn't mean we're beyond foreign
intervention in these cases," Todung, who is executive director of
the Center for Human Rights Studies (Yapusham), told The Jakarta Post.
"It depends on our own rights tribunal. If it is considered that
it has failed to try rights cases, it's not beyond the bounds of
possibility that there would be pressure from the world community to
convene an international court to try these cases," he added.
Indonesia has been in the spotlight in this regard, particularly
concerning alleged rights abuses in relation to the events which
transpired in East Timor in 1999.
The government has pledged to establish a tribunal to try these cases.
The Attorney General's Office has prepared indictments against 18 suspects
allegedly involved in human rights crimes.
Although the law on the human rights tribunal was passed late last
year, the government has yet to establish one.
The issue of the tribunal has attracted new attention following the
news that Milosevic was handed over by his government on Thursday to face
a war crimes tribunal in The Hague.
He is charged with perpetrating crimes against humanity and is accused
of being responsible for mass killings and the expulsions of ethnic groups
during his term as president before being toppled last October.
Secretary-general of the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas
Ham) Asmara Nababan said, however, that while the possibility of an
international tribunal for Indonesians allegedly responsible for rights
crimes existed, it was still very distant.
"Our tribunal should go ahead first, then we'll talk about such a
possibility," he told the Post.
But political observer Dewi Fortuna Anwar was doubtful that Indonesia
could withstand the momentum of an international tribunal if one were to
be convened.
Dewi noted that Indonesia remained vulnerable to foreign pressure due
to its economic dependence on the international community for aid.
She argued that the principle of national sovereignty by itself was no
longer a powerful argument to deter such an international court.
"For countries which have lots of bargaining chips, they would not
be easily bluffed," she told the Post by telephone.
Dewi pointed as an example to a U.S. bill which forbids military
exchanges and the supply of weapons to the Indonesia Army if rights
perpetrators were not brought to justice.
"Because Indonesia is still in the transition to democracy and is
considered strategic, the government may still get support from developed
countries, but not for the military.
"Therefore, Indonesia has to prove its commitment because it could
eventually hamper military professionalism which later could also affect
the democratization process," she said.
"Even if we have good relations with the Bush administration, it's
difficult for them to revoke the bill, especially with the weak position
of the governing party as it is not the majority in the legislature,"
she argued.
Warning of how serious the matter was, Dewi urged the government to
realize the dangerous impact of ignoring such cases for the nation as a
whole, and not to only protect a few from legal proceedings.
"Anyway, it's far better for us to punish the perpetrators than
the international court," she said.
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