| Subject: AFR: Don't Arm Indonesia's 'Thugs
In Uniforms'
Australian Financial Review June 12, 2002
Opinion
Don't Arm 'thugs In Uniforms'
By Dewi Anggraeni and Syafi'i Anwar [Dewi Anggraeni is Australian
Correspondent For Tempo Magazine And Syafi'i Anwar is The Former editor of
Ummat weekly.]
Beware of moves to give the Indonesian military more power, warn Dewi
Anggraeni and Syafi'i Anwar.
There is something unnerving about Singapore senior minister Lee Kwan
Yew's call last week that the world (read the United States) should rely
on the Indonesian military to keep the nation from disintegrating because
of Muslim militancy.
His conclusion cannot go unchallenged, especially because the US is
showing increasing single-mindedness in its "war against
terrorism", enlisting bodies left, right and centre to assist it.
There are militant Muslims in Indonesia; the Laskar Jihad is one of the
more internationally known. The memberships of these groups are relatively
small, though adept at making their voices heard and their presence felt.
And it is true that they could cause considerable damage to the fabric
of Indonesia's emerging civil society.
The question is, how big is this threat and is the army the answer?
Lee, it seems, was concerned by the recent report of Vice-President
Hamzah Haz's visits to Laskar Jihad's leader, Jafar Umat Talib, in
detention, and Jamaah Islamiyah's Abu Bakar Basyir in Central Java.
Hamzah's actions have been widely criticised, inside as well as outside
Islamic circles in Indonesia.
His actions smacked of political motives as well as interference in the
legal process. For a Muslim leader, being regarded as politically
motivated is tantamount to having his moral authority degraded.
That some leaders feel the need to seek the support of Muslim
fundamentalists is of concern; it does not indicate that Indonesia is
becoming an Islamic state.
The 1999 election results made it clear that most Indonesian Muslims
did not support Islamic parties. The 20 Islamic parties managed to secure
only 37.1 per cent of the total votes. Of the 20 Islamic parties, only
four (PPP, PKB, PAN and PBB) met the required minimum of parliamentary
seats.
In the meantime, President Megawati Soekarnoputri's PDI-P and the old
ruling party, Golkar, both seen as "secular nationalist"
parties, amassed 33.76 per cent and 22.46 per cent respectively. There are
doubts that the Islamic parties will be able to gain more votes in the
2004 general election.
The majority of Indonesian Muslims, including their political leaders,
are moderates who do not support any kind of Islamic radicalism. The
leaders of the two main Islamic organisations, NU and Muhammadiyah, KH
Hasyim Muzadi and Syafii Maarif, have strongly criticised the actions of
the radical groups, denouncing them as contrary to the spirit of Islam as
a religion of peace and tolerance.
US re-engagement with the military would be welcome, provided it was
not linked with the fervour of the "war on terrorism" because in
Indonesia, combating terrorism should be seen in the context of the
country's history.
During President Soeharto's rule, the military were known to take
advantage often of the issue of Islamic radicalism, by alleging that those
opposed to policies imposed by the authorities in some regions were
propagating radical Islam.
There was even evidence of instances where some agents provocateurs
infiltrated nominated groups to promote radicalism, just to be caught
later and reveal their identities as military intelligence officers. The
objectives of such operations, it appeared, were to create political
instability and a semblance of political legitimacy only the military was
able to uphold national security and integrity.
It is worth noting, however, that some military officers openly admit
to having close relationships with militant Islamic groups. These sorts of
friendships do not necessarily mean that the military officers were in
league with the radical Islamic groups. The popular opinion is that they
may keep them up their sleeves in case they need to mobilise supporters in
the streets, the most common manner of political campaigning in Indonesia.
Reformists in Indonesia are working very hard building a civil society
and developing a democratic system, where militaristic coercion on the
general population is a thing of the past. Where is the pride of a
military force regarded by the people as thugs in official uniforms?
A move, on the part of the US, to re-engage with the military, would be
most useful if it could help the Indonesian army rebuild its original
raison d'e ACI tre, of being a true and professional defence force
defending the nation, not being a tool of the political elite, or itself
part of the political elite.
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