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Subject: Unity and Divisions under New
Leadership
Timor-Leste - October 2007
Unity and Divisions under New Leadership
2007 has been the year of Timor Leste's first self-administered presidential
and parliamentary elections. Though not problem free, the elections were
perceived by most, including election observers, as free and fair; and as a
success for a young nation still struggling to overcome recent conflict.
The parliamentary election on June 30th resulted in 7 out of 14 parties and
coalitions gaining seats. The previously ruling Fretilin party secured the
most votes with a total of 29 percent, thus gaining 21 seats in the 65 seat
parliament. Next in line came the newly established party of former
President Xanana Gusm?, CNRT, with 24.10 percent, translating to 18 seats.
No single party thereby secured an absolute majority of seats. In response,
CNRT quickly formed the Parliamentary Majority Alliance (AMP) with the
Democratic Party (PD) and the Association of Timorese Democrats-Social
Democratic Party (ASDT-PSD), thereby securing a narrow 51 percent majority.
A heated debate ensued among politicians, voters and political commentators
alike over how to interpret Timor Leste's constitution and election laws on
who would have the right to rule. While newly elected President Jos?Ramos-Horta
argued for a unity government, the question remained how inclusive the new
government would be. In the end, Fretilin was not able to find coalition
partners and on August 6, Ramos-Horta invited AMP to form government.
Although Fretilin continues to hold that as the most voted for party they
have the right to form a minority government, they thereby had to give way
to the AMP alliance headed by Xanana Gusm? as Prime Minister. The 2007
elections have thus presented Timor Leste with a remarkably quick
post-independence change of its leadership previously dominated by Fretilin;
the party associated with the resistance movement against Indonesia.
Among many in Timor Leste, there is a strong sense that disunity in the
political leadership leads to divisions among the population. Indeed, the
crisis in 2006 is perceived by many as resulting directly from conflicts
among the state leadership. Memories of the violence between emerging
political parties in the 1970s lend further credence to the perception that
divisions among leaders are dangerous. The current conflicts between
political parties have thus given rise to fears that new divisions and
violence may arise among the general population.
Certainly, lack of clarity about the implementation of election results
among the political leadership intensified tensions between supporters of
opposing parties. Many Fretilin voters feel that the democratic system has
failed them; a perception that is strengthened by the party leadership
continuing to refer to the new government as illegal and unconstitutional.
The announcement of the new government prompted an immediate deterioration
of the fragile, though generally improving, security situation. Dili saw
increased incidents of stone throwing, burning of tires and road blocks in
the days after the announcement, but the situation in the capital quickly
stabilised. The eastern districts of Baucau and Viqueque are still
recovering from violence that broke out after the announcement of the
result. An OCHA report from 7 September estimates that more than 330 homes
were burnt and 52 houses damaged in the two districts, both considered as
Fretilin strongholds. In Baucau, Church property was reported to have been
targeted. This appeared to be rooted in the widespread perception that
members of the Catholic Church favoured a change in leadership rather than a
continued Fretilin-led government. Although there continues to be sporadic
reports of violence, particularly in Viqueque, the overall situation seems
to be improving.
The outbreak of violence in August underscores what are among the most
immediate challenges to the new government: improving the security situation
and identifying alternative solutions for approximately 100,000 IDPs who
since 2006 have been settled in camps in and around Dili or in temporary
housing in their home districts.
Another challenge will be for the new government and the opposition to
accommodate each other. One concern noted by election observers monitoring
campaigns this year, involved the tendency of parties to focus less on
communicating their own programs than on pointing to the shortcomings of
opposing parties. Similar tendencies have initially characterised political
debates following the formation of government. Accusations are centred among
others on the legitimacy of members of opposing parties, such as questioning
their roles during the resistance against Indonesia. Other politicians
complained of a lack of constructive communication and criticism during the
presentation of the new government program. However, current disputes no
doubt owe much to the lack of consensus during the process of government
formation, and several politicians express a cautious optimism that
communication in the parliament is slowly improving.
WATCHPOINT:
Maj Nygaard-Christensen
PhD Candidate
Department of Anthropology and Ethnography
Aarhus University, Denmark
http://www.aseanfocus.com/asiananalysis/article.cfm?articleID=1071
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