| Subject: Suharto Reports: Buried In State
Funeral As Thousands Mourn; Mass Killings and Other Rights Abuses
- Survivors describe mass killings under Indonesian dictator Suharto
- For opponents, Suharto's death does not dull anger
- Suharto was Indonesia's Pol Pot: Sukarno widow
- Rights group: Indonesia must probe Suharto abuses
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Indonesia's Ex-Dictator Suharto Buried
By ANTHONY DEUTSCH Associated Press Writer
SOLO, Jan 28 (AP) - Former Indonesian dictator Suharto, a U.S. Cold War
ally whose military regime killed hundreds of thousands of left-wing
opponents, was buried Monday at a state funeral with full military honors
as tens of thousands mourned.
Throngs of Indonesians lined the streets to watch a motorcade carry his
body to the family mausoleum. Many sobbed and called out the name of the
man whose three-decade rule, though harsh, brought stability and economic
growth to Indonesia.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono led the ceremony, which began just
before noon at the mausoleum near Suharto's hometown of Solo, some 250
miles east of the capital. After a reading of Suharto's military
accomplishments, a shot was fired in his honor and Yudhoyono offered a
salute.
"We offer his body to the motherland," Yudhoyono said.
"His service is an example to us."
Islamic prayers were said and as his body was lowered, mourners tossed
flower petals into his grave. A military band played a dirge.
Suharto died Sunday of multiple organ failure after more than three
weeks on life support at a Jakarta hospital. He was 86.
Yudhoyono had already declared a week of national mourning and called
on Indonesians "to pay their last respects to one of Indonesia's best
sons."
"He was a great man," said Sumartini, 65, who came from a
nearby village with her four children to watch the funeral procession.
"His death touched us deeply."
Suharto loyalists, who run the courts, called for forgiveness and a
clearing of his name. But survivors want those responsible for atrocities
to be held accountable.
"I cannot understand why I have to forgive Suharto because he
never admitted his mistakes," said Putu Oka Sukanta, who spent a
decade in prison because of his left-wing sympathies.
Suharto was finally toppled by mass street protests in 1998 at the peak
of the 1997-1998 Asian financial crisis.
His departure from office opened the way for democracy in this
predominantly Muslim nation of 235 million people, and he withdrew from
public life, rarely venturing from his comfortable Jakarta villa.
Suharto ruled with a totalitarian dominance that saw soldiers stationed
in every village, instilling a deep fear of authority across this
Southeast Asian archipelago that stretches across more than 3,000 miles.
Since being forced from power, Suharto had been in and out of hospitals
after strokes caused brain damage and impaired his speech. Poor health --
and continuing corruption, critics charge -- kept him from court after he
was chased from office.
The bulk of killings occurred in 1965-1966 when alleged communists were
rounded up and slain during his rise to power. Estimates for the death
toll range from a government figure of 78,000 to 1 million cited by U.S.
historians Barbara Harff and Ted Robert Gurr, who have published books on
Indonesia's history.
During Indonesia's 1975-1999 occupation of East Timor, up to 183,000
people died due to killings, disappearances, hunger and illness, according
to an East Timorese commission sanctioned by the U.N. Similar abuses left
more than 100,000 dead in West Papua, according a local human rights
group. Another 15,000 died during a 29-year separatist rebellion in Aceh
province.
Suharto's five successors as head of state all vowed to end the graft
that took root under his regime, yet it remains endemic at all levels of
Indonesian society.
With the court system paralyzed by corruption, the country has not
confronted its bloody past. Rather than put on trial those accused of mass
murder and multibillion-dollar theft, some members of the political elite
consistently called for charges against Suharto to be dropped on
humanitarian grounds.
Some noted Suharto also oversaw decades of economic expansion that made
Indonesia the envy of the developing world. Today, nearly a quarter of
Indonesians live in poverty, and many long for the Suharto era's
stability, when fuel and rice were affordable.
But critics say Suharto squandered Indonesia's vast natural resources
of oil, timber and gold, siphoning the nation's wealth to benefit his
cronies, foreign corporations and family like a mafia don.
Jeffrey Winters, associate professor of political economy at
Northwestern University, said the graft effectively robbed "Indonesia
of some of the most golden decades, and its best opportunity to move from
a poor to a middle class country."
"When Indonesia does finally go back and redo history, (its
people) will realize that Suharto is responsible for some of the worst
crimes against humanity in the 20th century," Winters said.
Those who profited from Suharto's rule made sure he was never portrayed
in a harsh light at home, Winters said, so even though he was an
"iron-fisted, brutal, cold-blooded dictator," he was able to
stay in his native country.
Like many Indonesians, Suharto used only one name. He was born on June
8, 1921, to a family of rice farmers in the village of Godean in the
dominant Indonesian province of Central Java.
When Indonesia gained independence from the Dutch in 1949, Suharto
quickly rose through the ranks of the military to become a staff officer.
His career nearly foundered in the late 1950s, when the army's
then-commander, Gen. Abdul Haris Nasution, accused him of corruption in
awarding army contracts.
Absolute power came in September 1965 when the army's six top generals
were murdered under mysterious circumstances, and their bodies dumped in
an abandoned well in an apparent coup attempt against Sukarno, Indonesia's
founding father who helped win independence from the Dutch. Suharto, next
in line for command, quickly asserted authority over the armed forces.
What followed was a nationwide purge of suspected leftists, a campaign
that stood as the region's bloodiest event since World War II until the
Khmer Rouge established its gruesome regime in Cambodia a decade later.
Over the next year, Suharto eased out Sukarno, who died under house
arrest in 1970. The legislature rubber-stamped Suharto's presidency and he
was re-elected unopposed six times.
During the Cold War, Suharto was considered a reliable friend of
Washington, which did not oppose his violent occupation of Papua in 1969
and the bloody 1974 invasion of East Timor. The latter, a former
Portuguese colony, became Asia's youngest country with a U.N.-sponsored
plebiscite in 1999.
President Bush sent his regrets over Suharto's death. "President
Bush expresses his condolences to the people of Indonesia on the loss of
their former president," said Gordon Johndroe, spokesman for the
White House's National Security Council.
Even Suharto's critics agree his hard-line policies kept a lid on
Indonesia's extremists and held together the ethnically diverse and
geographically vast nation. He jailed without trial hundreds of suspected
Islamic militants, some of whom later carried out deadly suicide bombings
with the al-Qaida-linked terror network Jemaah Islamiyah after the attacks
on the U.S. of Sept. 11, 2001.
Meanwhile, the ruling clique that formed around Suharto -- nicknamed
the "Berkeley mafia" after the U.S. school they attended, the
University of California, Berkeley -- transformed Indonesia's economy and
attracted billions of dollars in foreign investment.
By the late 1980s, Suharto was describing himself as Indonesia's
"father of development," taking credit for slowly reducing the
number of abjectly poor and modernizing parts of the nation.
But the government also became notorious for unfettered nepotism, and
Indonesia was regularly ranked as one of the world's most corrupt nations
as Suharto's inner circle amassed fabulous wealth. The World Bank
estimates 20 percent to 30 percent of Indonesia's development budget was
embezzled during his rule.
Even today, Suharto's children and aging associates have considerable
sway over the country's business, politics and courts. Efforts to recover
the money have been fruitless.
Suharto's youngest son, Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra, was
released from prison in 2006 after serving a third of a 15-year sentence
for ordering the assassination of a Supreme Court judge. Another son,
Bambang Trihatmodjo, joined the Forbes list of wealthiest Indonesians in
2007, with $200 million from his stake in the conglomerate Mediacom.
State prosecutors accused Suharto of embezzling about $600 million via
a complex web of foundations under his control, but he never saw the
inside of a courtroom. In September 2000, judges ruled he was too ill to
stand trial, though many people believed the decision stemmed from the
lingering influence of the former dictator and his family.
In 2007, Suharto won a $106 million defamation lawsuit against Time
magazine for accusing the family of acquiring $15 billion in stolen state
funds.
The former dictator told the news magazine Gatra in a rare interview in
November 2007 that he would donate the bulk of any legal windfall to the
needy, while he dismissed corruption accusations as "empty
talk."
Suharto's wife of 49 years, Indonesian royal Siti Hartinah, died in
1996. The couple had three sons and three daughters.
Associated Press writers Zakki Hakim and Niniek Karmini contributed to
this report.
----------------------------------
Survivors describe mass killings under Indonesian dictator Suharto
By ANTHONY DEUTSCH Associated Press Writer
BLITAR, Jan 28 (AP) - Hiding out in the dense, humid jungle, Markus
Talam watched Indonesian soldiers herd manacled prisoners from trucks,
line them up and mow them down with round after round of automatic weapons
fire.
It was 1968, and the killings were part of a final offensive by forces
under Gen. Suharto to wipe out the communist party and secure his position
as leader of Indonesia, now the world's most populous Muslim nation.
"They gunned them down and dumped their bodies in a mass grave dug
by other prisoners. I remember the sound of the guns clearly: tat-tat,
tat-tat, tat-tat ... over and over again," said Talam, 68, who was
later jailed for 10 years after being named a leftist sympathizer.
Suharto, who died on Sunday at a Jakarta hospital, seized control of
the military in 1965 and ruled the country for 32 years, suppressing
dissent with force and supported by an American government at the height
of the Cold War.
Estimates for the number killed during his bloody rise to power -- from
1965 to 1968 -- range from a government figure of 78,000 to 1 million
cited by U.S. historians Barbara Harff and Ted Robert Gurr, who have
published books on Indonesia's history. It was the worst mass slaughter in
Southeast Asia's modern history after the Khmer Rouge killing fields in
Cambodia.
A frenzy of anti-communist violence stained rivers with blood and
littered the countryside with the bodies of teachers, farmers and others.
"They used to dump the bodies here," recalled Surien, a
70-year-old woman who lived near a bay used as an execution ground.
"People called it the beach of stinking corpses because of the
smell."
The CIA provided lists of thousands of leftists, including trade union
members, intellectuals and schoolteachers, many of whom were executed or
sent to remote prisons.
Another 183,000 died due to killings, disappearances, hunger and
illness during Indonesia's 1975-1999 occupation of East Timor, according
to an East Timorese commission sanctioned by the U.N. Similar abuses left
more than 100,000 dead in West Papua, according a local human rights
group. Another 15,000 died during a 29-year separatist rebellion in Aceh
province.
In recent interviews around the city of Blitar, a former communist
stronghold, survivors of the atrocities recounted a life on the run,
living in caves, being beaten and beheadings of other captives.
"I am disappointed. I saw great cruelties and am lucky I am not
dead," said Talam, whose simple two-room home overlooks a valley
dotted with overgrown mass graves.
Dragging on a clove-cigarette with trembling hands, he described how he
was detained by police but escaped. He stumbled across dead bodies in
shallow graves and slept in dank caves with hundreds of others, eating
what the jungle had to offer for 50 days, until being picked up.
Talam, a former member of a left-wing union for park rangers, said he
was tortured and beaten repeatedly during interrogations while detained on
remote Buru island, where about 12,000 political prisoners were held,
1,770 kilometers (1,100 miles) east of the capital, Jakarta. "Why has
no one been put on trial?" he asked.
In fact, the dark era remains largely unknown to many Indonesians.
Those believed responsible still wield influence in politics and the
courts. Details of the communist purge are banned from school books, and
the military has blocked efforts by relatives to unearth mass graves.
Near Blitar, a prominent monument and museum honors the crushing of the
communist threat, and the Communist Party is still banned in Indonesia
today.
There is no official record of the shootings Talam said he witnessed by
the Indonesian army near Blitar, which lies 500 kilometers (310 miles)
east of Jakarta.
Though Suharto was swept from power in a 1998 pro-democracy uprising in
this nation of 235 million people, no one has ever been tried for the
bloodletting, in part because some of Suharto's former generals remain in
powerful posts today.
"One of the enduring legacies of Suharto's regime has been the
culture of impunity," said Brad Adams, the head of Human Rights Watch
Asia.
Moreover, public interest in reviving a turbulent past is muted in the
largely poor country, where people are more concerned with day-to-day
survival, said Putmuinah, an 80-year-old former communist city council
member in Blitar.
"The ones who should be held accountable for those crimes are
Suharto, his government and his regime," she said. "Suharto
ordered the elimination of communists and left-wing sympathizers."
Putmuinah hid in a cave south of Blitar before being picked up and
detained for 10 years. "They robbed me of the opportunity to raise my
seven children," she said.
"They beheaded many of us because we were members of the union for
women," she added. "I was spared torture because I knew the
commander who arrested me."
Suharto's regime capitalized on existing tensions between Muslims and
atheist communists, inciting the nation's powerful Islamic groups to join
the purge.
Hasyim Asyhari, 67, a former member of a conservative Sunni Islamic
youth group in the Blitar region, said the group received army orders to
identify, hunt down and kill communists.
He said he is proud of saving the nation from communist domination and
helping "turn communist sympathizers into good Muslims."
"We used farm tools, daggers and clubs" to kill prisoners,
Asyhari said in an interview. "I followed the orders of the
government."
Associated Press reporter Irwan Firdaus in Jakarta contributed to this
report.
-----------------------------------
For opponents, Suharto's death does not dull anger
JAKARTA, Jan 27 (AFP) -- The death Sunday of Indonesia's autocratic
former president Suharto has not dulled the anger of his political
opponents, who see his demise as a missed opportunity to bring him to
justice.
For them, including many who were thrown into prison for dissent, time
has failed to heal the wounds of Suharto's three decades of repressive
rule.
"His death is a tragedy for all the victims of his crimes, they
will never get justice," said Budiman Sudjatmiko, who was jailed as a
student under the Suharto regime and now works for the People's Democratic
Party of Struggle.
The 86-year-old former president, who stepped down in 1998, was accused
of many crimes -- among them, the mass killing of over half a million
suspected communists in 1965-66.
He and his family also left a legacy of massive corruption, bleeding up
to 35 billion dollars out of the Indonesian economy, according to the
anti-graft watchdog Transparency International.
As head of the army's Kostrad elite forces, Suharto led a campaign
against the then-powerful Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) and suspected
sympathisers shortly after a failed 1965 coup attempt blamed on
communists.
The ensuing violence across the country is acknowledged -- mostly
outside Indonesia -- as one of the worst mass killings of the 20th
century.
"This is the mother of all crimes against humanity. Suharto was
never held accountable, he was even praised as a hero," Sudjatmiko
said.
"Count in his corruption then he is a perfect criminal -- he can
be put up there with Pol Pot and Hitler."
Sudjatmiko lamented Suharto's passing as a second lost opportunity,
saying he could also have been brought to trial in the reform era that
followed his resignation in 1998.
Carmel Budiardjo, the British-based founder of Tapol, an organisation
which advocates human rights in Indonesia, described Suharto's demise as
"the death of a tyrant."
"The political elite don't see the need for justice,"
Budiardjo told AFP.
But, she added, "there are people who will feel like I feel, that
he died without facing justice. I only hope the obituaries will highlight
what he did during his reign."
Budiardjo, a British citizen, said she was locked up for three years
from 1968 in a women's prison in Bukit Duri, Jakarta, because of her
connection to an academic discussion group.
Under Suharto, intellectuals were frequently jailed after being accused
of links to the PKI.
Fadjroel Rachman, who heads a non-governmental organisation called
Suharto Inc. Busters that worked to bring him to trial for graft, followed
up his own expressions of condolences to Suharto's family with a call that
"legal action against his cronies, families and loyalists should
continue."
Rachman, who was jailed for defamation as a student during Suharto's
rule, cited the 1975 invasion of East Timor and military crimes during the
bloody separatist war in Aceh province as abuses for which victims of his
regime are still seeking justice.
Investigative journalist and activist Andreas Harsono vividly remembers
as a teenager watching the president's military police shoot a young boy
in the street in a bid to reduce petty crime.
"He did not hesitate to take the law into his own hands to solve
the problem. The question is: did he solve the problem? Of course
not," Harsono said.
Harsono said as a journalist he experienced first hand the suppression
of the media by Suharto's regime.
"In the future people will praise him, people will call him the
'father of development', people will deny that he was even involved in
fascist activities, in killings and suppressing our freedoms, because he
has never been tried," Harsono said.
----------------------------------
Suharto was Indonesia's Pol Pot: Sukarno widow
TOKYO, Jan 28 (AFP) -- The Japanese widow of Indonesia's founding
president Sukarno said Monday she would never forgive his successor
Suharto, likening him to Pol Pot for his repression.
Suharto seized power from Sukarno in 1965-66 and ruled with an iron
fist for another three decades. Suharto was buried Monday in a state
funeral in central Java after a long illness.
"I don't want to lash out at a dead man but I cannot forgive
Suharto," Ratna Sari Dewi Sukarno, Sukarno's third wife, told AFP.
"He was Indonesia's Pol Pot," she said, referring to the late
leader of Cambodia's genocidal Khmer Rouge.
Dewi, a former bar hostess born as Naoko Nemoto, married Sukarno at age
19 in 1962 after he was charmed by her on a state visit to Tokyo.
After Sukarno died under house arrest in 1970, she returned to Japan
where she has become a television personality and runs a jewellery and
cosmetics business.
Despite Indonesia's economic progress under Suharto, his tenure was
marked by repression, from the killings of at least half a million
communists and their sympathisers from 1966 to invading East Timor and
quelling separatist movements in Aceh and Papua.
Dewi blamed Suharto both for the death of her husband -- "the man
who declared independence and became Indonesia's first president" --
and for the mass killings around the country.
"Although he had a soft face, he could be cruel and heartless at
the same time," said Dewi, who met Suharto several times.
"You could not tell what he was like on the inside. What he said
and what he did were two different things," she added.
Suharto also left a legacy of corruption, bleeding up to 35 billion
dollars out of the Indonesian economy, according to the anti-graft
watchdog Transparency International.
"Even today, many Indonesians suffer from that legacy and the
income gap continues to widen," Dewi said.
She scolded Suharto for not making court appearances late in his life
to answer corruption charges, citing illness.
"He ended his life living among friends," she said. "I
think he was a very lucky man."
----------------------------------
Rights group: Indonesia must probe Suharto abuses
NEW YORK, Jan 27 (AFP) -- A leading human rights group urged Indonesia
to investigate violent crimes committed by the regime of former dictator
Suharto, calling for its victims to be remembered after his death on
Sunday.
"Suharto has gotten away with murder -- another dictator who's
lived out his life in luxury and escaped justice," said Brad Adams,
Asia director of the New York-based monitor Human Rights Watch (HRW), in a
statement released here.
"But many of Suharto's cronies are still around, so the Indonesian
government should take the chance to put his many partners in human rights
abuse on trial," he said, after the ex-president died at 86 from long
illness.
The group accused his regime of torture, massacres of minorities and
alleged communists, and of war crimes in provinces including former
Indonesian-ruled East Timor, which won independence in 1999 after violent
upheaval.
Many in Indonesia saw Suharto as the father of development, as he
steered the sprawling archipelago nation through an economic boom. But HRW
accused him of fostering corruption instead of helping the poor.
Suharto left power in 1998, rocked by deadly riots and mass
pro-democracy protests triggered by the Asian economic crisis, after
billions of dollars ended up in the hands of his friends and relatives.
He avoided being made to answer charges of human rights abuse and
massive corruption, due to ill health.
His death "provides an opportunity to commemorate the many victims
of his oppressive regime," said HRW, which documents human rights
abuses around the world.
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