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Subject: Balibo film recalls Australian failure in East Timor
smh.com.au/opinion/film-recalls-our-failure-in-east-timor-20090721-drzd.html?page=-1
The Age
Film recalls our failure in East Timor
Daniel Flitton
July 22, 2009
Balibo again raises the question of who really matters in the world.
GO AND see Balibo - a feature film like this will do more to encourage
widespread debate about Australia's place in the world than any dry
academic book on foreign policy, think tank report or government white
paper. It's the sort of debate the Australian public should always have.
The complex problems at the heart of this story - the contest between
national self-interest and general morality in international affairs - are
as difficult today as during the time depicted in the film.
The movie is based on actual events from 1975. Five television
reporters from Australia travelled to East Timor to witness Suharto's
Indonesia launch a military takeover, only to be murdered by the invading
troops in the western village of Balibo. Another Australian reporter,
Roger East, was later executed by Indonesian forces in the capital, Dili.
Six Australians, killed in cold blood. Yet during a preview screening
last week, I jotted a note in the dark lamenting the sickening
parochialism of the film. Yes, the death of the Australian journalists was
undoubtedly tragic, but to reduce the appalling suffering of East Timor
and the deaths of tens of thousands into a story about a handful of
Australians seemed too narrow-minded.
I should have suspended judgment a little longer. That relativism is
directly confronted. The story follows East (played by Anthony LaPaglia,
pictured) as he journeys to Balibo to investigate the fate that befell the
five newsmen.
He is guided by Jose Ramos Horta, then a member of the country's newly
declared government. (Horta was later awarded the Nobel peace prize while
in exile during Indonesia's 24-year occupation, and is now East Timor's
President.)
The two men stumble across the site of a massacre and see the bodies of
more than a dozen local villagers strewn across a field. Indonesian troops
are nearby and the growing danger is plain. But East wants to go on, to
tell the story of the five Australians, not that of the dead Timorese. The
killing of "brown people" won't make the front pages, he says.
Dead white men will.
So it remains. When a tragedy happens abroad, our attention is
determined as much by the victim's national identity as by the event
itself. Technology might have wired together the world as never before,
bringing a recognition of international problems, but local trumps global
in the end. If a ferry sinks somewhere and a hundred people drown, it will
probably make the news. Find out an Australian was on board, it will stay
in the news.
This is not peculiar to Australians; it's a habit of humanity, divided
into different communities with specific interests. And governments
constantly appeal to "national interest" to defend their
decisions.
Gough Whitlam's Labor administration decided in 1975 that Australia had
no time for an independent East Timor. The official thinking went that a
small country to the north threatened the stability of the region, so it
was better to ignore Indonesia's territorial aggression. After Whitlam was
turfed from power, the Liberals' Malcolm Fraser continued to see East
Timor as a part of Indonesia - a bipartisan view that carried on until the
late 1990s.
That policy consensus never sat easily with the interests of the wider
Australian community. Certainly, the occupation was not foremost in most
people's minds during those years, but enough saw Australia's official
position as wrong. It didn't matter that Whitlam advocated for
international recognition of Indonesia's takeover, or that Gareth Evans,
the long-time Australian foreign minister, clinked champagne glasses with
his Indonesian counterpart, Ali Alatas, after signing a deal to divide oil
resources in the Timor Sea. As much as Alatas dismissed Timor as a
"pebble in the shoe" - a minor annoyance for Indonesia in its
international affairs - efforts to get past the Timor issue were
constantly undermined, mostly because Suharto's regime kept East Timor
under a brutal heel.
This mismatch between public opinion and government preference
eventually swelled into overwhelming pressure on Australia to lead a
UN-mandated military force after the August 1999 ballot on East Timor's
political future. The intervention was Australia's most consequential act
in international affairs - the earlier pretence that East Timor belonged
to Indonesia the most shameful.
A film can only achieve so much. This one questions the extent of
official knowledge of the journalists' plight - which remains shrouded in
claims of secrecy - and people will quibble over the creative licence
taken with the facts. But the essential question remains. Did the death of
those journalists all those years ago add to the way the Australian
community responded to East Timor's independence struggle? For some,
undoubtedly.
The fact that the killers have never been brought to justice and
successive Australian governments did little to pressure Jakarta to find
out more is indelibly bound into this whole episode.
Daniel Flitton is diplomatic editor.
<http://www.theage.com.au>
The Age
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