| Subject: IHT: UN haste puts East Timor at
risk
Received from Joyo Indonesia News
International Herald Tribune
Monday, February 24, 2003
Op-Ed
UN haste puts East Timor at risk
Shepard Forman IHT
Too early to quit
NEW YORK - Even as the United Nations focuses like a laser on Iraq, it
must not lose sight of its other commitments. The UN Security Council laid
the framework for East Timor's independence nine months ago, but now the
nascent state is at risk from a UN plan to withdraw support before the
East Timorese have had time to lay the foundations of lasting security and
stability.
The United Nations, the World Bank and numerous nongovernmental
organizations have done their best to shepherd East Timor to independence.
But threats to security remain, both from civil unrest - as evidenced in a
rampage Dec. 4 in Dili, the capital - and from renegades waiting patiently
across the border for the international force to leave. Thousands of
refugees, lacking the means to continue the agriculture that has long
provided their livelihood, have resettled in Dili, swelling its population
from 60,000 to 200,000 people and creating an urban concentration of
underemployed, dispossessed and disaffected youth.
Too little has been invested in training programs for the civil
administration and for an incipient defense and police force capable of
maintaining internal order and securing its borders. Public works, schools
and housing - totally destroyed by roving militia bands after the East
Timorese voted for independence over integration in Indonesia - have been
only partially rebuilt.
To make matters worse, there has been little of the foreign investment
that East Timor desperately needs to jump-start and sustain the economy
and produce tax revenues for the state.
The United Nations, and especially the Security Council, has much to be
proud of in East Timor. The council and the UN's senior leadership showed
their resolve when devastating militia attacks plunged East Timor into
crisis in September 1999. By insisting that Indonesia yield on its staunch
resistance to an international peacekeeping force, and by setting up the
transitional authority that governed the island until the East Timorese
flag was raised in May 2002, the council contained a violent conflict and
prepared the way for East Timor's independence.
Rather than declaring its mission a success, however, and insisting on
a strict timetable for withdrawal, the Security Council needs to carefully
measure the distance East Timor still needs to travel before it can stand
entirely on its own.
In June 2002 the United Nations, with Security Council authorization,
put into effect a "successor mission plan" for a downsized and
temporary support system for the new East Timor government. It calls,
largely on French insistence, for a rapid reduction of UN technical
assistance and security personnel to zero over a two-year period.
Unfortunately, in its haste to exit, the Security Council does not seem to
be heeding its own admonition to ensure the security and stability of the
nascent state.
The positive beginning the United Nations achieved in East Timor could
easily be squandered if the Security Council does not complete the job it
started. Despite having spent more than $1 billion over the last three
years, the international community has insufficiently prepared East Timor
to fully exercise its sovereign authority or provide for the welfare of
its traumatized citizens.
East Timor serves as an important test case of the Security Council's
willingness to see its resolutions through to their intended conclusion.
If the Security Council does not reconsider its scheduled formula for
downsizing the UN's civilian, military and police support group, the
long-term objective of creating the first new democratic state of the 21st
century could be at serious risk.
The East Timorese are among the world's most resilient and self-reliant
people. With the UN and the Security Council at their side, they won their
27-year struggle for independence and have taken the first steps toward
recovery. The UN should extend its stay, to give them the extra time and
assistance they need to build the political, economic and security
institutions on which their fledgling democracy must be founded.
The writer directs the Center on International Cooperation at New York
University and is co-editor of "Multilateralism and U.S. Foreign
Policy."
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