| Subject: Age: A fight with Indonesia
neither Howard nor Rudd wants
Also Balibo Five inquest slams diplomacy
The Age
A fight with Indonesia neither Howard nor Rudd wants
Damien Kingsbury
November 20, 2007
THE finding by the NSW deputy state coroner that the five
Australia-based newsmen killed at Balibo, East Timor, in 1975 were
murdered by the Indonesian military has the potential to again derail
Australia's often fraught relationship with Indonesia. It has also
injected a foreign policy consideration into an election campaign that has
been largely bereft of foreign policy debate.
Prime Minister John Howard's comment that he will seek the repatriation
of the remains of the five newsmen looks, at best, like a minimal effort
to placate their families, even if decades too late.
But neither he nor pro-Indonesia Opposition Leader Kevin Rudd will get
tough with Indonesia. Neither wants the complication of dispute with
Indonesia in their election campaigns, and neither wants it in government.
Yet if war crimes charges are formalised, whoever is in government will
have to handle the flak generated from an Indonesia that regards the
Balibo five case, like so much else of its brutal history, as closed.
Like the Indonesia-East Timor "truth and friendship
commission" that was roundly rejected by the international community
as a whitewash, with little truth and imposed "friendship",
Indonesia now wants the claim that the newsmen were killed in a crossfire
to remain the official "truth".
Should charges go ahead, there is little Australia can do to press the
case. There is no extradition treaty between Australia and Indonesia so
Australia's meaningful capacity to pursue this matter is limited.
The Indonesian Government will also not go outside its own judicial
process to hand over alleged war criminals, regardless of international
procedures.
Within Indonesia, accounting for the past is set against what was, and
which to some extent remains, a culture of impunity. In short, there are
so many individuals guilty of so many crimes that a full accounting is
next to impossible, especially given Indonesia's still malleable
judiciary. Further, while Indonesia's military is politically weakened, it
still retains influence. Importantly, it can count on allies within
Indonesia's fractious legislature who will oppose any war crimes trial on
narrow political grounds.
From Australia's perspective, whoever forms the next government will
have to watch more or less helplessly as the judicial process takes its
course. It will then be left to explain to an angry Indonesia that the
separation of powers means that there is no executive capacity to
influence judicial processes. Indonesia should understand the separation
of powers, given it has used the same claim in recent trials of Australian
citizens. But some in Indonesia are unlikely to accept that position at
face value, as they did not accept the legitimate acceptance as refugees
of the 43 Papuan asylum seekers.
Australia's relationship with Indonesia has been characterised by
regular diplomatic rows, and many observers believe that this is a sign of
consistently poor relations. These rows have continued despite frequent
claims that the relationship is strong. It is possible for Australia and
Indonesia to have more secure and consistent relations.
Australia needs to say to both the Indonesian Government and people
that it wants to have a positive and constructive relationship, and that
it is there as a friend. It must explain that real friendships are based
on honesty and transparency.
There is a claim that Australia and Indonesia clash over what amounts
to cultural difference, and that frankness is not appreciated by
Indonesian politicians. The lack of appreciation was certainly true,
although it much less reflected culture than it did the untrammelled abuse
of power. As Indonesia democratises, it is learning that transparency and
accountability are a part of that process.
It may be that no Indonesians will ever stand trial in Australia, or
Indonesia, or East Timor, or elsewhere, for war crimes. But it would be
useful for the Indonesian Government to finally admit that those crimes
were committed, against their own citizens as well as ours, and that they
should never happen again.
Associate Professor Damien Kingsbury is associate head of the School of
International and Political Studies at Deakin University.
--
The Bulletin
Balibo Five inquest slams diplomacy
Tuesday, November 20, 2007
The deliberate slaying of the Balibo Five shows up Australia's
paralysed diplomacy in the face of Indonesia's military. By Clinton
Fernandes.
There is no statute of limitations on murder. Nor, it appears, on those
trying to cover it up. Last week, a coronial inquest finally did what the
leading lights of Australian diplomacy could not do: establish the truth
of the murders of five journalists at Balibo in East Timor, 32 years ago.
The coroner found that Brian Peters, Greg Shackleton, Gary Cunningham,
Tony Stewart and Malcolm Rennie clearly identified themselves as
Australians and as journalists. They were unarmed and dressed in civilian
clothes. They had their hands raised in the universally recognised gesture
of surrender. They were shot and/or stabbed to death in a deliberate act.
The Indonesian military tactical commander gave the order to kill as part
of a plan that emanated from the highest levels. Their corpses were
dressed in uniforms, guns placed beside them and photographs taken in an
attempt to portray them as legitimate targets.
Australian diplomats, academics and media commentators who make up the
Jakarta Lobby claimed they were pursuing a pragmatic, hard-headed and
tough-minded strategy of better relations with the Indonesian military.
But they were thoroughly compromised by Indonesia's strategists, who made
a mockery of their supposed expertise in foreign policy. Indonesian
brutalities could not be concealed from the Australian public, nor could a
good relationship with Indonesia be conducted in the face of sustained
public condemnation. Indeed, the only people the Jakarta Lobby was
tough-minded towards were the families of the victims, not their
Indonesian counterparts.
As the Australian public learns more about Indonesia, they will
discover that military personnel who committed atrocities in East Timor
were promoted and posted to West Papua. They will learn the black West
Papuans are subjected to a racist, oppressive military presence that would
be condemned were a European power to act similarly. Our diplomats will
try to be tough-minded about this - towards concerned Australians, not
their Indonesian counterparts. The latter know the unspoken truth about
Australia's diplomats: they are not the lions of Gallipoli but the lambs
of Canberra.
Clinton Fernandes is a senior lecturer in strategic studies at the
University of NSW.
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